SCNC Exposes the Truth of Southern Cameroons Independence

Dear Countrymen and Excellencies, since, for several valid reasons, we would not observe the 1st October Independence, Anniversary of Southern Cameroons in 2014, we have not prepared any formal speech for the event. However, we take the opportunity to issue the following (36) point argument that proves beyond every shadow of doubt the validity of the separate Independence of our Country. The Essence of the Plebiscite 1. The objective of the 1961 Anglo-UN Plebiscite in the territory was to grant Independence, once the vote was affirmative and it was overwhelmingly. 2. The questions of “Do you wish to achieve Independence by joining with the Republic of Cameroon”, or “Do you wish to achieve Independence by joining with the Federal Republic of Nigeria” clearly placed the accent on achieving Independence. 3. The condition of obtaining it “by joining” was secondary, and depended on the antecedent of first achieving the Independence. II follows that without the priori of Independence, there was to be no joining whatsoever. 4. On the other hand, the phenomenon of “Independence by joining” pertains neither to the UN option “(a) of Sovereign Independence”, or “(c) of Independence by Integration with an Independent state”. 5. Independence by integration means pre-independence joining by the in-coming state, which looses it entire identity, as it achieves Independence through absorption into the Independence of the receiving state. This was the case of former British Northern Cameroons into Nigeria. 6. Meanwhil6e, the type of Southern Cameroons relates to the category “(b) of Independence by free association with an Independent state”, which means a post-independence joining by both Countries on absolute “Equal Status”. 7. The adjective of “free” in the context refers to the joining state, which was required to also be Independent before any joining, into a federated partner. The model of Federated States in the US is characteristically different from the Federal States of Nigeria. 8. On the African Continent, the US model is represented by Tanzania and the defunct Sene-Gambia. Federated States often enjoy considerable internal autonomy, compared with the Nigerian sort of Federal States, the pattern into which the Republic of Cameroon has all along wished for the Southern Cameroons. 9. The latitude of autonomy of Federated States derives from the fact of being Independent in their own right before any joining, while Federal States had never achieved separate Independences. The UN endorsement 10. Therefore, the UN endorsement by 26 Yes Votes, 13 No Votes, and the 2 Abstentions of the Republic of Cameroon and France, was for the independence of Southern Cameroons, and not for any joining. 11. The UN did simultaneously adopt the neutral appellation of “Federal United Cameroon Republic” for the envisioned joint new Country. The elements of neutrality in the new name were the incorporation of the terminology” United”, signifying the joining of independent states. 12. The title “Republic” was also displaced from its initial prefix position in the virgin name of the “Republic of Cameroon” to the suffix of “Federal United Cameroon Republic”. 13. Finally, only the name “Cameroon”, common in the initial appellations of both countries, was adopted. The creation of a balance name portrayed the distinct Independence of Southern Cameroons and the expected federated character of the would-be new joint country. 14. Along with the choice of name, the UN designation of 1st October 1961, as the Independence consummation date, is yet another pointer to the distinct Independence of Southern Cameroons 15. If the UN endorsement was for a mere joining, the Republic of Cameroon would have definitely not abstained from voting. The Francophone state had relentlessly campaigned For the Southern Cameroons to join them. They apparently miscalculated that the joining would be pre-independent, or an integrative joining by Southern Cameroons. 16. The abstention signified their disdain for aggregative joining, a policy they have maintained by preventing a genuine federation from emerging since more than half a century. 17. Only a Plebiscite to grant Independence and its proper endorsement could have compelled the UN to require a post-plebiscite International Conference, which alone would “work out the modalities” of a federation of Independent states. 18. Traditionally, the UN does not organize International Conferences on Reunification issues, which would have happened respecting the German Reunification of 1990. 19. The effective celebration of the Independence by the population completed the final phase of Unification to the Independence exercise of Southern Cameroons, and sealed its immutability to time, space, and circumstance. 20. In fact, were the UN to have behaved contrarily, the World Body would have violated Article 3 of the Anglo-UN Trusteeship Agreement on the territory and Article 76 (b) of the UN Charter, both of which committed these Authorities to prepare the Southern Cameroons for Independence. Implied Recognition by successive Yaoundé Regimes 21. Hitherto empty, the adoption of two Stars on the Cameroon Flag from 1961 up to 1972 was the first sign of recognition of the statehood of Southern Cameroons. It goes without saying that the presence of stars on a Flag indicates the supposed number of federated states, or independent countries that joined. For example, the US Flag carries (52) stars each per state. 22. In 1972, the Republic of Cameroon re-adopted the nomenclature of “United” to her name and up to 1982 became the “United Republic of Cameroon”. She was trying to clandestinely deal with the reality of an independent Southern Cameroons state under her armpit. 23. We already pointed out in item (11) herein-above that the application of the term “United” signifies a joining of two or more Independent states. And it would be extraordinary and absurd to imagine that the Republic of Cameroon was once united with its own integral components. 24. To political Scientists, President Biya’s transformation in 2012 of 20th May, previously celebrated variously as Referendum Day, Independence Day, and Reunification Day into a National Day, further revealed the Regime’s inability to obliterate the truth of Southern Cameroons separate Independence, without inadvertently reaffirming it. 25. For general information, a National Day may be the Revolution Day of a country, as in the case of France, where the people believe that the event changed their lives far more than the initial Independence Day they used to commemorate. 26. National Days also arises from unions of Independent states, whose Representatives agree to hold aside their multiple independence dates and economically celebrate one neutral date for everybody. 27. In both respects the relationship between our two Cameroons does not permit a justifiable National Day. Without ever recognizing the statehood of Southern Cameroons, by stultifying her dignity as an “integral part of theirs”, and much less to speak of any revolution, the false national day further exposes the Independence truth of Southern Cameroons. 28. The latest admission of the Southern Cameroons Independence came sneakily when the Yaoundé government, despite repeated promises to celebrate the Jubilee of a fake Reunification on a 1st October finally moved it to an arbitrary 20th February 2914. It obviously means the release of the date as the Independence occasion of Southern Cameroons. Conclusion 29. This analysis highlights several potential advantages. At the UN, they would readily understand that we command deep accurate knowledge of our case, that our petition at their Human Rights Court in Geneva is based on conviction, arising from impregnable truth hence, the urgency to hasten the process of restoration of our statehood. 30. On the domestic scene, the Regime would realize that we are capable of interpreting every political move of theirs. Hence, they should desist from further manipulations and advisably adopt a policy to peacefully and speedily let go the Southern Cameroons, in the supreme interest of future good neighborliness. 31. We urge our people in the service of the Republic of Cameroon, personalities in political parties, and even intellectuals who once led this struggle but are now outdated, to restrain their destructive comments on this issue. 32. They have not mastered the fundamental causal factors. If they did they would have been active in it beyond empty utterances, given the opportunities of enormous financial and human resources they squandered. 33. Finally, we announce that, in light of the above host of scientific arguments, there is absolutely no room for either dialogue or negotiation with the Republic of Cameroon. 34. Even if they promise the best constitutional reforms ever under the sun, containing the deceptions of a re-federalization, a Vice Presidency, and in the presence of whoever third party. This office will not attend foolish talks, while no amount of money can ever buy us to change our minds. 35. Countrymen, you must believe our informed foresight that the factors for political dialogue or negotiation do not exist between our Country and the Republic of Cameroon. Even an application of the British-type Referendum is inapplicable here. In other words, there is absolutely no alternative to the complete detachment of our Country from the pains of an Annexation. 36. We warn you that any attempt to force it would certainly land us and posterity into a destruction (10) times worse than we have ever seen since 1961, or ever head of anywhere else across this whole wide World. Done in Bamenda this 24nd day of September 2014.