Human Rights Watch Report on Cameroon for 2022 on Separatists Atrocities in the English speaking Regions as the Crisis Deepens;Separatist and military Abuses in the North West and South West all Exposed

Prosecute, Sanction Fighters for Crimes Against Civilians

Armed separatist fighters have killed at least seven people, injured six others, raped a girl, and committed other grave human rights abuses across Cameroon’s Anglophone regions since January 2022, Human Rights Watch said today. In an uptick of violence, the separatists have also burned at least 2 schools, attacked a university, kidnapped up to 82 people, including 33 students and 5 teachers, and threatened and beat 11 students.
“Armed separatist groups are kidnapping, terrorizing, and killing civilians across the English-speaking regions with no apparent fear of being held to account by either their own leaders or Cameroonian law enforcement” said Ilaria Allegrozzi, senior central Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch. “Leaders of separatist groups should immediately instruct their fighters to stop abusing civilians and hand over abusive fighters for prosecution.”
Between April 1 and June 15, Human Rights Watch interviewed 38 people by telephone, including 27 victims and witnesses to separatist abuses, 3 relatives of victims, 4 Cameroonian journalists, and 4 members of Cameroonian human rights organizations. Human Rights Watch also reviewed medical records, 13 videos, and 56 photographs shared directly with Human Rights Watch researchers or posted on social media showing evidence of separatist abuses.
Between May 1 and 10, Human Rights Watch shared its findings with representatives of three major separatist groups: the spokesperson as well as the vice-president of the Ambazonia Interim Government (Sako), Christopher Anu and Dabney Yerima; the defense chief of the Ambazonia Defense Forces (ADF), Capo Daniel; and the chairman of the African People’s Liberation Movement (APLM), Ebenezer Derek Mbongo Akwanga. Only Daniel responded.
On April 5, separatists stormed the campus of the Bamenda university, in Bambili, North-West region, shooting in the air, causing panic among students and teachers, and leading to a stampede that injured at least five people. The fighters attacked the university for not observing a “lockdown,” or stay-at-home order, that they had declared across the area. Fighting to create an independent Anglophone state of “Ambazonia” since 2016, separatists target civilians who do not observe their calls for school boycotts or general lockdowns. These abusive calls trample the basic rights of an already terrorized civilian population, and separatist fighters and their leaders should be held accountable and punished for their violent enforcement, Human Rights Watch said.

Human Rights Watch spoke to five witnesses of the attack against the Bamenda university, consulted local media reports on the incident, and reviewed a 15-second video filmed at the campus on the day of the attack that showed students fleeing after hearing gunshots.
“I saw three separatist fighters shooting from the campus football field,” a 28-year-old student told Human Rights Watch. “I was less than 50 meters from them. They kept firing for 20 minutes.”
Witnesses said that there was sustained gunfire for about 25 minutes as gendarmes responded. Residents of Bambili said fighters belonging to the separatist group Restoration Forces have their camp in Fonyah, less than 6 kilometers away from the campus.
It is not the first time that separatist fighters attack the Bamenda university. Human Rights Watch documented separatists storming a campus dormitory on May 20, 2020, kidnapping nine students. The separatists took the students to their camp, beat them, and held them for five days, until a ransom was paid.
On February 26, at about 3 p.m., separatist fighters stopped two vehicles from the Cameroon Baptist Convention Health Services (CBCHS), a nonprofit medical organization, at a checkpoint in Mile 90, North-West region. They fired at one vehicle, killing Jenette Sweyah Shey, a 46-year-old female nurse, and injuring another female nurse and a male doctor. The medical workers were returning from Ashong and Nyonga, two localities where CBCHS had provided health assistance to people in need.
Human Rights Watch spoke to four people, including two CBCHS staff, a female nurse who witnessed the killing, and a man who saw Shey’s body. “They [separatist fighters] shot at the windscreen of the first vehicle,” the nurse said. “The bullet went through and hit Jenette in the forehead. She died as we rushed her to the hospital.”
Daniel, the deputy defense chief of the ADF, said that ADF fighters and fighters from another group, The Buffaloes of Bali, were at the checkpoint at the time, that “it was a case of mistaken identity,” and that “we have apologized with CBCHS” for the incident.
On February 28, the United Nations humanitarian coordinator in Cameroon released a statement which condemned the killing of the nurse and called on the killers “to refrain from hindering access to medical services.” In a March 18 statement, the CBCHS provided information on the incident and said that “Shey lost her life in the process of saving lives.”

Burned remains of the district hospital in Mamfe, South-West region of Cameroon which was attacked by suspected separatist fighters on June 10, 2022. © Private, June 11, 2022, Mamfe, South-West region, Cameroon.

Security forces and armed separatists have both attacked hospitals and medical staff across the Anglophone regions since 2017. On July 6, 2020, separatists killed a Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF, or Doctors without Borders) community health worker in the South-West region, after accusing him of collaborating with the military. On June 10, suspected separatist fighters burned down the district hospital in Mamfe, South-West region, depriving 85,000 people of access to health care, the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in Cameroon reported.

During an attack on May 16 on a residential area in Idenau, North-West region, where workers of the Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC), a public agribusiness company, live, separatist fighters abducted 30 people, and one fighter raped a girl in her early teens.
On April 7, armed separatists kidnapped 33 seminary students for ransom in Bachuo-Ntai, South-West region. Catholic church authorities told the media that the students were released the following day. It is unclear whether a ransom was paid.
On May 30, local media reported that the body of Lukong Francis, a retired teacher at the government high school in Jakiri, North-West region, and a member of the ruling party, was found on May 23 on the road between Mantum and Jakiri with signs of torture. Local teachers and Francis’s former colleagues confirmed to Human Rights Watch that Francis had been kidnapped by suspected separatist fighters in retaliation for participating in the May 20 public celebrations for Cameroon’s Unity Day, which separatist groups oppose.

Since 2017, armed separatists have kidnapped hundreds of people, including students, teachers, medical staff, humanitarian workers, clergy, and government officials. They have also killed and tortured civilians, and carried out widespread attacks on education. They have also intimidated human rights defenders, including Akem Kelvin Nkwain, member of prominent human rights group Centre for Human Rights and Democracy in Africa.
Government troops have also committed human rights violations, including extensive burning of villages, homes, and shops, killings, torture, mistreatment, incommunicado detention, and rape of civilians.
“Cameroon’s regional and international partners should intensify calls on the Cameroonian government for accountability, and better protection of civilians,” Allegrozzi said. “They should also impose targeted sanctions, such as travel bans and asset freezes, on separatist leaders who bear responsibility for committing abuses.”

For more details on recent abuses and accounts from victims and witnesses, please see below.
Multiple Attacks, Buea, South-West Region
Separatist fighters, vowing to disrupt Africa' s soccer tournament, the Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON), which was held in Cameroon between January 9 and February 6, carried out a series of attacks in the town of Buea on January 12, when national soccer teams were training in the town. The separatists declared a lockdown and apparently punished people who did not observe it, as the following three incidents that all took place on January 12 suggest.
Assault, Threats, Injury of Students
Separatist fighters physically assaulted, threatened, and humiliated a group of 11 students, including at least 4 girls, aged from 14 to 18, who were on their way to the Bokova high school on January 12. They shot one of the students in the right leg and seized or destroyed the students’ school material.
Human Rights Watch spoke to an official of the victims’ school and two victims and reviewed a video showing at least one fighter with a gun beating two students, one male and one female, and the eleven students being ordered to strip naked. In the video, which the school official and students confirmed was genuine and which also circulated on social media, the separatist fighters can be heard threatening to kill any student who disobeys their orders.

A 16-year-old female student who was among the victims said:

They were about 15 separatists, they ordered us to remove our school uniforms. As we were all naked, they beat us, kicked us, and threatened to kill us. They said schools should be shut down. They shot my friend in his leg from close range. I was terrified.

The school official said that following the incident, the students were traumatized and did not come to school for over a week.
In a January 13 radio statement, an army spokesperson, Cyrille Serge Atonfack Guemo, blamed separatist fighters for the attack. In a January 14 video shared on YouTube, Daniel, the ADF deputy defense chief, congratulated fighters from the group known as The Mountain Lions for the attack against students but said students should have not been stripped naked.

Killing of Civilians

 

Aftermath of the taxi in which separatist fighters killed the driver and a passenger on January 12, 2022 in Buea, South-West Cameroon. © Private, Buea, South-West region, Cameroon, January 12, 2022.

Separatist fighters shot and killed a 30-year-old male taxi driver and another man at Bwitingi market area on January 12.

Human Rights Watch spoke to a witness of the killing and three people who saw the bodies, including a relative of one of the victims. Human Rights Watch also reviewed six photographs showing the taxi driver’s body at the Buea hospital mortuary and five photographs showing the taxi after the attack.

A witness said:

I was hiding behind a building. I saw how separatist fighters stopped a taxi and fired at it several times. I don’t know what happened. That day was a “ghost-town day” because of AFCON. When the situation calmed down, I rushed to the scene only to find the bodies of the driver and his passenger drilled by bullets.

A taxi driver who was brutally killed by armed separatist fighters in Buea, South-West Cameroon, on January 12, 2022, is buried in his home village, Wowo, North-West region. © rivate, January 19, 2022, Wowo, North-West region, Cameroon.

The family of the taxi driver did not file any complaint with state authorities out of fear of retaliation.

Shooting of a Lawyer
Armed separatist fighters shot a lawyer in both his legs and stomach at the checkpoint area near Bwitingi market on January 12. The fighters stopped his car, ordered him out of the car and shot him at close range. “I saw amba [separatist fighters] stopping his car,” a witness said. “As he got out, they shot him at least five times. It was brutal.”
Human Rights Watch also spoke with a friend of the lawyer who visited him at the Buea general hospital and reviewed a report by a local human rights organization that documented the incident, three photographs depicting the injuries suffered by the barrister, and a video filmed in the aftermath of the incident showing him covered in blood.
The lawyer is still undergoing medical treatment for his injuries.
Kidnapping of Workers in Tiko and Idenau, South-West Region, and Rape of a Girl
On January 13, separatist fighters attacked a rubber estate plantation of the CDC in Tiko, abducted nine workers, including six women, and set a tractor ablaze. “They had guns, invaded the plantation and took us away,” one of the abductees, a man, said. “They threatened to kill us if we kept working for the CDC and said we should instead join their struggle.” The workers were all released on January 25 following a ransom payment.
On May 16, separatist fighters from the group known as “Ten Cobo” attacked a CDC residential area in Idenau, went house-to-house and abducted thirty people, including five women and an old man. Nine workers eventually escaped. Separatists beat and threatened the remaining captives with harm, then abandoned them two days later. During the attack at the residential area, a separatist fighter also raped a girl in her early teens.
Human Rights Watch reviewed international and local media reports on the incident, spoke with two of the abductees, a relative of the rape survivor, and a journalist who covered the case.
A 37-year-old woman who was among the abductees said:

We had to walk all night before reaching their camp. Some of us, especially the elderly, were exhausted. They beat us on the soles of our feet with machetes. They shaved my hair as a punishment. They said we should not go back to work and CDC should be shut down.

A relative of the rape survivor said: “I found her in a lot of pain. I took her to the CDC clinic, where she was treated. She’s traumatized.”
Since 2018, separatist groups have attacked and kidnapped scores of CDC workers in efforts to paralyze the country’s economy. CDC is the second largest employer in Cameroon and runs banana, palm oil, and rubber plantations in the South-West region. Human Rights Watch has documented at least three incidents involving CDC workers who were beaten or maimed, and in one case, shot by separatist fighters in 2018.
Kidnapping of Lawyers For Ransom, North-West Region
On January 16, separatist fighters kidnapped a lawyer from his home in Bamenda in the presence of his family. They blindfolded him, took him to their camp, and threatened him with death. They released him four hours later following a ransom payment of 2.3 million CFA (US$3,700). The lawyer said:

Two separatist fighters with rifles broke into my home. ‘On the floor or I’ll shoot you’, one shouted. My wife and kids were present and terrified. They told me lawyers are traitors … They said I better pay the ransom if I don’t want to end up like barrister Kemende.

The lawyer said that his abductors alleged that they had kidnapped an opposition senator and barrister, Henry Kemende, and killed him because he did not pay the ransom. The lawyer also said he saw Kemende’s car at the separatists’ camp where he was held. Human Rights Watch was unable to verify this information.
The kidnapping and killing of Kemende, a member from the opposition party Social Democratic Front (SDF), prompted a national and international outcry. Human Rights Watch has documented how separatist fighters repeatedly targeted SDF members and supporters since 2019, including his leader John Fru Ndi, accusing them of not supporting their struggle for independence.
The kidnapped lawyer said he filed a complaint at the Bamenda police on January 18, but as of early June there has been no progress in an investigation.
On May 29, separatist fighters kidnapped Valentine Velieh Yenshia, a 54-year-old male lawyer, from his farm in Babanki. They kept him in isolation in a container for three days without food and threatened him with harm, then released him on June 2 following a ransom payment of 1.1 million CFA ($1,700). The lawyer said that on June 2, he filed a complaint at Bamenda senior state counsel. He also said that he continues to receive threats of harm from separatist fighters.
Kidnapping of Teachers, Injuring of Students, Weh, North-West Region
On January 19, a group of seven separatist fighters attacked the government high school, in Weh at about 8:30 am, abducting five teachers, including two women, and injuring two students, one of whom was 14.
Human Rights Watch spoke with two of the kidnapped teachers and one of the injured students. Human Rights Watch also reviewed three photographs of the students’ wounds and their medical records.
The two teachers said that the separatist fighters, some of whom they recognized as their former students, told them that they were being kidnapped for not complying with the separatist-ordered school boycott  and for not contributing financially to their struggle for independence. One said:

I was in class with twenty-seven students when separatist fighters broke in. They forced us out at gunpoint. Students panicked and ran away. I was taken away with four other teachers. We had to walk for an entire day in the bush until we reached their camp. The female teacher and an elderly teacher were exhausted and struggled to keep walking. But the fighters threatened them with death if they didn’t continue. They said government schools should be shut down.

One of the injured students said: “They wanted to kidnap me, but I resisted, so one of the fighters cut off a finger with a machete. I screamed in pain. He let me go. I went to the hospital where I underwent surgery, but my finger was finally amputated.”
The teachers were released on January 24 following a ransom payment. The incident, teachers said, caused the closure of all schools in Weh for one week.
Witnesses said that no security forces were near the school at the time of the attack. Teachers and Weh residents said that there is a military base in Weh, about 2 kilometers from the school, but that soldiers and gendarmes based there have no means of transportation, limiting their ability to patrol and secure the area.
Arson Attacks on Primary School, Buea, South-West Region
In the early morning of February 7, suspected separatist fighters burned a classroom of a government primary school in Molyko group 1.

 

A burned-out classroom in the government primary school in Molyko, Buea, South-West Cameroon, destroyed by suspected separatist fighters on February 7, 2022. © Private, February 8, 2022, Buea, South-West region, Cameroon.

Human Rights Watch reviewed credible media reports about the incident, interviewed two people who went to the school the following morning, and examined 10 photographs showing damages caused by the fire. “I saw an entire classroom burned with everything inside,” a journalist said. “Gendarmes outside the school said they intervened to chase the separatists away but did not catch them. Teachers said it was not the first time the school had been targeted and they had received threats by separatists to shut down the school.”

On April 5, another classroom of the school was burned. Human Rights Watch spoke to a man who saw the classroom on fire, to a journalist who visited the school on April 6, and reviewed three photographs showing damages caused by the fire.

Arson Attack on Queen of the Rosary College, Okoyong, South-West Region

 

Screenshot from a video of the ‘Queen of the Rosary College’, in Okoyong, in South-West Cameroon, on fire after an arson attack by separatist fighters on February 11, 2022. © Private, February 11, Okoyong, South-West region, Cameroon

On February 11, between 2 and 2:30 a.m., separatist fighters set fire to three dormitories of an all-girls boarding secondary school. Human Rights Watch reviewed media and reports by nongovernmental groups on the incident, spoke to a school official and a student who witnessed the attack, reviewed three videos showing the dormitories on fire, and five photographs depicting the aftermath of the arson attack. In the videos, which the school official confirmed was authentic, students can be heard screaming as fighters threaten students not to march on February 11, observed as a national youth day in Cameroon with traditional students’ parades. The school official said:

The attack unfolded as the kids were asleep. There were 120 girls in the dormitories. We heard screaming and saw smoke and flames. Girls ran away as arsonists burned down their beds and personal belongings. Some students sustained light injuries.

One of the three dormitories of the Queen of the Rosary College, in Okoyong, South-West Cameroon, burned by separatist fighters on February 11, 2022. © Private, February 11, Okoyong, South-West region, Cameroon.

The school official said that soldiers and the Okoyong mayor visited the college the morning following the attack promising an investigation. However, it is unclear whether an investigation was opened. 

The arson attack was condemned nationally and internationally. On February 14, diplomats in Cameroon, including from Canada, Norway, South Africa, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, and the United States issued a joint statement calling on all stakeholders to the Anglophone crisis to respect the right to education, and stop attacking schools.

In a February 11 statement, Dabney Yerima, the vice president of separatist group Sako, acknowledged separatist responsibility for the attack and said his group will “take steps to disarm rogue gangs operating within Ambazonia.”

Attack in Mamfe, South-West Region

 

Armed separatist fighters set fire to at least five cars during an attack on the taxi and bus station in Mamfe, South-West Cameroon, on April 28, 2022. © Private, April 29, 2022, Mamfe, South-West region, Cameroon.

On April 28, separatist fighters attacked the taxi and bus station known as “moto-park” at about 1 a.m. They burned at least five cars and allegedly killed three men, including a teacher, a driver, and a porter, accusing station workers of operating during their declared lockdown. Human Rights Watch reviewed local media reports on the incident and spoke to three people, including a witness to the attack and two family members of two of the victims. Human Rights Watch also reviewed a photograph showing one of the burned cars and a photograph showing the body of one of the three men. A 24-year-old student said:

I was in a taxi waiting to leave when I heard gunshots. I got out the car and saw a group of amba [separatist fighters]. I hid behind a bush. I saw them burning the taxi and four other cars. They accused people of not respecting their orders to stay home on Mondays. I saw them shooting randomly. When they left, I saw the body of a man who had been killed, a loader [porter]

The brother of the driver who was killed said: “I saw the body of my brother at the mortuary. He had three gunshot wounds. He was shot from behind and the bullets came out from the chest.”
Kidnapping of Senator and Her Driver, Bamenda, North-West Region
On April 30, ADF fighters kidnapped a ruling party senator, Regina Mundi, along with her driver in Bamenda. Human Rights Watch reviewed local and international media reports on the incident and a May 1 video which circulated on social media showing the senator in an unknown location with ADF paraphernalia behind her, making a pro-separatist statement.
Daniel, the ADF deputy defense chief, confirmed the authenticity of the video and said that the ADF “arrested the senator for high treason” adding that she will be used for an exchange of prisoners.
In a May 11 YouTube video, Daniel said ADF were preparing to execute Mundi if President Biya did not release Anglophone prisoners. In a May 31 release, the army spokesperson Atonfack announced that on May 30, soldiers freed Mundi and “several” other hostages in Ashong, North-West region.
Attempted Kidnapping of Journalist, Bamenda, North-West Region
On May 26, at about 6 p.m., at least six heavily armed separatist fighters robbed and attempted to kidnap Frédéric Takang, BBC’s Cameroon correspondent, from the streets in Bamenda. Human Rights Watch spoke to the journalist who said:

They fired in the air to scare people around. They robbed me of everything. They took my car, my computer, my microphone, my money and telephone. They also stole money and other items from at least 10 other people who were there. They said they were going to kidnap me, take me to their camp because they wanted me to deliver a message. They didn’t say which message. Then, one of them took me away on his motorbike. On the way, I managed to push him off the motorbike and escape.

On May 26, Takang filed a criminal complaint with the gendarmerie in Bamenda, but as of mid-June he had not been informed of any progress in the investigation.

 

 

NGWATRA Enterprise Wins 2022 Life Time Media Group Achievement Award as Best Contractor/Construction Enterprise in Cameroon

In flying colors did the Executive Officer of NGWATRA Enterprise who doubles as a renown contractor and a reputable engineer of exceptional class grabbed his award of the year from a battery of Journalists who under the banner of life Time Media group’s Achievements Award decorated him for his selfless services to the nation and his nation building prioress.

 The 10^th Anniversary Award ceremony took place at Talotel Bafoussam on the 25^th of June 2022 under the distinguished patronage of the Governor of the West Region Awa Funka Augustine.

NGWATRA Enterprise as we report, was distinguishably honored exceptionally in Cameroon as best Contractor and construction Enterprise of the year for prompt and quality execution of contracts and for timely delivery. For executing contracts with a human torch, for offering gainful employment to many a Cameroonian youths, for being a model and an exemplary contractor and above all for promoting the private sector initiative and the industrial sector in Cameroon.

Before being Awarded the crown, his Enterprise came under scrutiny by a jury of 25 persons all of different respective works of life who accessed and did the vote counts that awarded him the said mark of honor amongst all other contractors and construction Enterprises nominated for the said award and category in Cameroon.

For the last five years, it must be note, NGWATRA Enterprise has executed well over 50 good contracts, delivered in time and maximum honor.

Speaking to the CEO after the Press Award for excellence he said, the strength behind NGWATRA Enterprise success story in the domains of contracts and construction is about good will and commitment to offer quality services with the fear of the lord. Adding that the Award to his Enterprise is genuine and will serve as a good moral booster.

Scandal in the Church:CBC on the Line “Church Grabbing Pastor” at Daggers Drawn with Executive President

Rev. Dr. Nditemeh Charlemagne Executive President of the CBC

-  -Call Pastor Sam Jato to Order before he Finally Lay Claims of also Owning CBC ( Cameroon Baptist Convention) as he has Tighten Grip on Redeemer Baptist church (RBC) with all Impunity.

Pastor Sam Jato CBC Pastor, head of Redeemer Baptist church (RBC)

My heart bleed as I open the crooks of the matter, but what is mind blowing is that how on earth can a Pastor heading an affiliated Church to a fundamental church be claiming a local church to be his personal property? having even the gods to excite Christians against his own very boss and Pastor colleagues? Wanders shall never end!

What is scandalous about the whole show is that this particular Church Redeemer (RBC) is the lone Church led, founded, and co-funded by NETS amongst three affiliated to the CBC (Cameroon Baptist Convention) in Cameroon that has a particular problem with church leadership. That alone should raise a lot of questions and doubt about the said Pastor Sam Jato.

Where we are coming from, is motivated by the truth and let peace come to reign back in the house of God for the doors of the Redeemed Baptist church sealed by Sub-Prefectorail decision number 025/2022 of 9^th June 2022 to be flanged open for Christians of that local church community area to once more start enjoying church services at Ntaghem quarters Mile 3 Nkwen.

The bitter truth is that, as of the 9^th of June 2022 church activities in that area are on hold until further notice and the will of God must prevail. No amount of justification should account for  why a Pastor should be flexing mussels with a fellow colleague and church leadership. That alone in it’s self is an abomination and an aberration.

As confusion rocks the air, with different shades of opinion cross examining the matter and poisoning the air, all fingers are pointing at one Pastor and the said Church. On why repeatedly the said Christian community under the CBC has come under consistent calls to order or questioning even in the days of Ncham Godwill as Executive President?

The Genesis of the Matter

What must be taken special note of the Church saga is that it dates far back as the days of the predecessor of Ncham Godwill, and the matter had been under sound church leadership control until the said Pastor in question pushed leadership to resort to an administrative police measure to put a final full stop to the outright disorder and confusion deliberately planted to cause chaos in the house of God.

The bone of contention is between two Pastors Rev Nditemeh Charlemagne who is the CBC Executive President and Rev. Pastor Sam Jato head of the (RBC) Redeemer Baptist church a NETS (The New England Center for Church Planting and Revitalization) founded co-funded and affiliated Church to CBC. The axe both have to grind for the moment rest on legitimate claims following CBC established rules and regulations while the Pastor in question is claiming personal ownership over church entitlements. So far, the matter is before the Divisional Officer of Bamenda III Sub-Division Bassilekin George, who sealed the church doors and is presently cross examining both parties to amicably bring to rest the crisis.  

The Position statement of NETS and why the matter has prolonged?

NETS on the matter had made it’s position clear in three different correspondences send to Ncham Godwill and to today’s Executive President Nditemeh Charlemagne with dates; May 26^th, 29^th 2020 and  May 26^th 2022 stating clearly in strong terms that I quote “RBC was clearly planted as a CBC Church” see below all their position statements. So for an individual to be claiming right of individual ownership brings a lot to question and to what extend the said Pastor would have gone to be laying claims over church entitlements.

Where and why Rev Charlemagne has the Legal Religious authority to breed sanity and regulate activities of local church communities affiliated to CBC

The present crisis from our personal finding has over due and the past Executive Presidents have been mild over the matter that is why it has prolonged and has dragged on finally to the public theater where it must be resolved once and for all and let peace regain once more it’s course in Redeemer Baptist church.

Both Pastors Nditemeh Charlemagne and Sam Jato are no nonsense Pastors of the CBC if you want to hear from this Reporter,  they share common threat and are all hard liners. Who will not let go at any given moment until it is settled and done completely. Just as the French Man will say it, “Il ya Match”.

After every thing, it is scandalous and ridiculous for an individual, a Pastor for that matter to be claiming ownership of church properties and entitlements and even going to the extend of fighting church leadership and administration to whom he owes all humble due honorable respect. Even the Bible says it!

As we  report, the scuffle is already one step to the court as a battery of lawyers are already indicating interest or monitoring the matter to jump in and tear the church into pieces. God have mercy.  Affairs a suivre.

 

A Powder Keg Waiting To Explode-Dr Chris Fomunyoh On Hopes and Fears For Cameroon

 

Camerooon is sitting on a powder keg waiting to explode if there is no significant change in direction ,says Dr Chris Fomunyoh

Cameroon is like a powder keg waiting to explode if urgent solutions are not found to the multiple crisis plaguing the country, says Dr Christopher Fomunyoh Senior Associate for Africa and Regional Director at the Washington, DC based National Democratic Institute.

Speaking in an exclusive interview with PAV, Dr Fomunyoh says there is an urgent need for a credible platform that would allow for the legitimate grievances of Anglophones to be addressed head on and resolved.

“As I have said consistently since the beginning of the conflict, the only way out is going to be through a negotiated resolution with third party facilitation, given the hatred and mistrust that now exists among the belligerents, and between sizeable chunks of the Anglophone population at home and abroad and the central government of President Paul Biya,” Fomunyoh charges.

The losses, pain and fear or trauma under which the affected populations live will definitely not be alleviated by further killings and atrocities, not by bayonets and bullets; but by genuine, inclusive and mediated comprehensive peace talks that will get to the bottom of the grievances and bring agreement on solutions with which these populations can identify, says Fomunyoh.

It is extremely disappointing and sad that many of today’s African leaders are failing us, and even some of the good leaders are going along with complicit silence, Fomunyoh says in reaction to a report from the Norwegian Refugee Council indicating that the top 10 displacement crises in the world are in African countries.

In the interview which also harps on post Biya succession scenarios, his own perceived political ambitions, and other developments across Africa, Dr Fomunyoh sees hope  in the younger generation as 60 percent of the population is under 25 years old, and yearning to find a better and more meaningful life and better opportunities for themselves, devoid of the prejudices, wickedness and malpractices of the past.

The Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) just released a report that lists the top 10 displacement crises in the world, and all are in African countries.  As a pan africanist and someone who crisscrosses the continent regularly for peace, democracy and good governance, how do you react to such a classification?

I’m devastated!  You can’t argue with the list which calls out DR Congo, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, South Sudan, Chad, Mali, Sudan, Nigeria, Burundi and Ethiopia in that order.  The list is based on hard facts and therefore very painful to see.  It speaks to the reality of the multiple conflicts currently ongoing on the continent, and that are impacting heavily already marginalized and vulnerable populations, especially in rural areas and out of sight of political elites and diplomats who live in capital cities.  On the one hand, this list of ongoing conflicts and internal displaced persons points to poor governance and the failure of national governments and our regional organizations to prevent or resolve conflicts and guarantee the safety, security and wellbeing of citizens; at the same time, it is testament to the fact that the rest of the world and multinational organizations such as the United Nations system seem to have closed their eyes to the havoc occurring in many of the conflict zones across the continent.  It is extremely disappointing and sad that many of today’s African leaders are failing us, and even some of the good leaders are going along with complicit silence.  Every African and genuine friend of the continent should be revolted by these reports and statistics on conflicts, misery and suffering.  For a continent that is so rich in mineral resources and human capital, we are better than being perceived as the permanent poster child for unresolved conflicts and violence that displace millions every year.

Why do you think regional organizations such as the African Union and even the subregional bodies like ECOWAS, SADC, IGAD are not taking on these challenges?

Excellent question!  Some of the subregional organizations such as ECOWAS are doing what they can to pressure leaders in countries such as Mali, Burkina Faso and Guinea to perform better; SADC is active in Mozambique and Eswatini, and its interventions may still produce positive results; but the African Union itself is beginning to lose its luster as the enthusiasm and hopes that accompanied the organization’s launch in 2001 wither.  Many of us now look back with nostalgia at the African Union of former Malian president Alpha Oumar Konare when shared values and human security were guiding principles.  It is regrettable that the era when leaders such as Nelson Mandela, Thabo Mbeki, Olusegun Obasanjo, Nicephore Soglo, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, Konare and others talked about the peer review mechanism and the African Renaissance now looks so distant.

On the crisis in the North West and South West Regions, the only way out is going to be through a negotiated resolution with third party facilitation, says Dr Fomunyoh

Your home country of Cameroon just celebrated 50 years of the unitary state with some pomp, despite occupying third place on the NRC list.  What’s your reading of the socio-economic and political shape of the country in the wake of that 50th anniversary celebration?

Cameroon is in very bad shape today on multiple fronts as it experiences overlapping and suffocating security, political and socio-economic crises.  There are too many ongoing conflicts and inconsistencies, including around the May 20th date itself.  For some Cameroonians, the abolition of the name the ‘United Republic of Cameroon’ by decree in 1984 took a lot of the veneer off the commemoration of a unitary state.  Still others, especially among the English-speaking population, question the legality of the referendum of 1972, that put an end to the Federation and brought about the unitary state.  Thus is my view, unlike the symbolism of unity that May 20 should hold in Cameroon, that day has come to crystalize the contradictions of our history and destiny.  On top of that, the country is embroiled in an ongoing five year old armed conflict in the North West and South West regions or the former Southern Cameroons; Boko Haram incursions continue in the Extreme North region around the Lake Chad basin; and insecurity persists on the eastern border with a restive Central African Republic.  Add to that internal socio-political tensions and polarization, and the country looks like a powder keg that could explode at any time.

So, is it true that the May 20 event was very chilly or literally nonexistent in many parts of the English speaking North West and South West Regions of the country; and, if so, what should be the take home message from this?

Since 2016, the North West and South regions of Cameroon or what was Southern Cameroons prior to reunification in 1961, have been suffering under grievances related to the marginalization of populations from these areas over the 60 years of experimentation with nation building.  Unfortunately, by 2017, the crisis, initially led by lawyers and teachers, morphed into an armed conflict that has left thousands dead, hundreds of villages burned, close to one million displaced persons, about 70,000 of whom are refugees in neighboring countries, and close to 800,000 children who have been denied access to education.  Under such circumstances, and until there’s a negotiated end to the conflict, it is not humanly possible to have people out feasting on a day that many see as the source of their pain and suffering, or political ills and misfortunes.  Turnout at public events was generally low, especially as armed non-state groups had declared and actually enforced lockdowns in many communities in those regions.

The conflict in the North West and South West Regions has taken an alarming toll on human life and property, as things stand now what do you see as a way out?

As I have said consistently since the beginning of the conflict, the only way out is going to be through a negotiated resolution with third party facilitation, given the hatred and mistrust that now exists among the belligerents, and between sizeable chunks of the Anglophone population at home and abroad and the central government of President Paul Biya.  There’s an urgent need for a credible platform that would allow for the legitimate grievances of Anglophones to be addressed head on and resolved.  The military option which many of us decried from the beginning has not only failed; it has generalized and normalized the kind of violence and atrocities from both sides that we have seen in the past five years.  The losses, pain and fear or trauma under which the affected populations live will definitely not be alleviated by further killings and atrocities, not by bayonets and bullets; but by genuine, inclusive and mediated comprehensive peace talks that will get to the bottom of the grievances and bring agreement on solutions with which these populations can identify.

My greatest hope is in the younger generation yearning to find a better and more meaningful life and better opportunities for themselves, says Dr Fomunyoh

President Paul Biya has been in power for 40 of the 50 years of the unitary state, how much of liability or solution is he or could be in the quest for solutions to the conflict?

At close to 90 years old in a country where the median age is 19 years, and with 40 years as president, Paul Biya has long since missed the opportunity to lead Cameroon out of the conflict; yet the highly centralized jacobin-like system of government that Biya has put in place is such that no one else makes decisions in Yaounde except him.  So, he needs to awaken from slumber to the realization that people have died in the thousands, lives are being destroyed daily, a sizeable percentage of Anglophones believe that he and his regime are bent on destroying their educational and legal systems, and their culture and way of life, and so this conflict needs to end immediately.

Interviewed recently after a visit to Cameroon, the former apartheid chief negotiator Roelf Meyer said ‘genuine and inclusive dialogue could be the only way out of the conflict.’  What role do you think respected international actors such as former minister Roelf Meyer could play in bringing an end to the conflict?

Many Cameroonians were quite touched that an African leader like former South African minister Roelf Meyer would make the time to visit Cameroon and pay attention to the armed conflict where other Africans have been so indifferent and insensitive to this conflict.  Roelf Meyer is a global leader of great stature given the prominent role he played in his home country to bring an end to apartheid and facilitate the release of Nelson Mandela, and even thereafter his role in championing the cause of a new constitution for a new and democratic South Africa.  Many countries around the world reach out to Roelf Meyer regularly to elicit his advice and wise counsel in tackling issues of conflict and difficult transitions.  In fact, shortly after his Cameroon trip, Mr. Meyer flew to Bangkok, Thailand for consultations on Myanmar (Burma).  There’s absolutely no doubt in my mind that he and others of his caliber can help us in Cameroon find peace and justice, and an end to this senseless war.  Were Roelf Meyer to step forward, his impeccable credentials would make it difficult for those who have been opposed to negotiations to continue to block the process; alternatively, it would become more obvious who wants the war and atrocities to continue, and hopefully that will make it easier for such individuals to be held accountable for their actions and their profiteering from the crisis.

Back to President Biya, the issue of succession is looming large for obvious reasons.  Can you shed light on the succession mechanisms in place and how important it is for the country to get it right?

I can understand the fretting and hand wringing around Biya’s presidency, because historically, as illustrated by the examples of long serving African presidents such as Houphouët Boigny in Côte d’Ivoire, Omar Bongo in Gabon, Gnassingbé Eyadéma in Togo, and Muammar Khaddafi in Libya, the death of long serving leaders portend chaos and confusion as various factions jockey for position, and some seek to replace him amidst a panoply of grievances that could boil over once the lid is off the simmering pot. As the oldest president in the world, Biya has kept the disparate threads together during his four decades of rule through old style autocratic methods such as patronage networks, excessive corruption and the instrumentalization of the military and security services to squash or repress dissent and extract total loyalty to himself.  Article 6 (4) of the constitution of Cameroon, as amended in 2008, provides that in case of a presidential vacancy, the president of the Senate assumes the seat for between 20 days and 120 days, during which time he must organize elections for a new president.  However, inherent weaknesses in the country’s institutional framework and fervent calls for major electoral reforms may render this constitutional option impracticable, given the country’s very poor track record on adherence to, and implementation of its constitution, respect for the rule of law and the conduct of inclusive, transparent polls under Biya.  There has been an outcry for electoral reform, especially since the last presidential poll in 2018; it is doubtful that opposition parties and civil society would accept a new presidential election without substantial electoral reforms.

Former Presidents Nicephore Soglo of Benin and Goodluck Jonathan of Nigeria, with Dr Fomunyoh in Guinea.Succession politics is making a bad situation worse in Cameroon

Looking at some of the names being floated out there as potential successors to Biya, the impression one gets is that should Biya not be there today, there are people ready to replace him the very next minute; how concerned should the country be that the constitutional succession pattern may not be followed?

It is no surprise that the poor performance of the current regime, gets many politicians to easily see themselves outperforming the current crop of policy makers.  The sad equation for Cameroon is that many of those most agitated at this time are themselves midgets and dwarfs compared to their underperforming team leader.  They have to understand, as we say in French, that “ca ne passera pas!”  Over the years, the regime has eliminated many of its potential rivals, some political heavyweights languish in prison and others are out of the country.  The few that are courageously resisting the system within the country barely have room to breathe as political space continues to shrink and their voices are muscled or stifled.

Do you think it would be in the interest of the Francophone majority to seriously give thought to prospects of the next President coming from the English-speaking regions as a means of addressing some of the historic injustices and boosting prospects of a new dawn for the country?

If Anglophones feel marginalized now because of six decades of Francophone absolute domination, wait until the next generation is told they’ll have to brace themselves for another hand-picked autocratic Francophone president with zero democratic credentials and perhaps another decade or two of more blatant injustices and governance malpractices.  Even if your question looks surreal for the time being, there are certain historical facts that can no longer be ignored.  For example, right after independence in 1961, many Francophone politicians in the Douala area and the Western region actually hoped there would be new presidential elections and they would back John Ngu Foncha the Anglophone against Ahmadou Ahidjo.  They were disappointed with the arrangement whereby Foncha accepted to become Ahidjo’s Vice president of the Federation without a new election.  Two decades later, prior to Paul Biya becoming president in 1982, the constitution was amended, and the line of succession tinkered with so Biya would become the second personality of the country, instead of the Speaker of the National Assembly S.T. Muna who was an Anglophone.  Ten years later in 1992, in the first competitive multiparty presidential election in Cameroon’s history, the Anglophone candidate John Fru Ndi obtained his highest vote totals in regions that included the Francophone West and Littoral provinces at the time and came close to defeating incumbent Paul Biya.  One can therefore posit that deep down, there is a strong sentiment among even Francophones that a qualified Anglophone at the helm of Cameroon could more effectively get the country out of the mess in which it currently finds itself.  Of course, while the armed conflict persists, thoughts like this one look more like an intellectual exercise than anything else.

Dr Fomunyoh seen here with Senegalese President Macky Sall remains coy about his own personal political ambitions

Your own name has been floated during previous election cycles as a potential Presidential candidate, for all you have done across Africa to help fashion and polish democracies; have you ever thought of dropping everything to go help the country rebuild, if called upon?

I’m humbled the way you pose the question.  Indeed, it is difficult to have my experience and the expertise that I’ve been fortunate to gather over the years, have a human heart and a good conscience, and sit idly by while your people perish and languish in misery and despair.  It’s doubly painful when you realize that most of the ills that you identified and spoke strongly about in the past could have been resolved without firing a shot, and that with one’s exposure to the world and international arena, one could lift up one’s fellow compatriots and give them another lease on a decent lifestyle, and reposition one’s country in its rightful place in Africa and the world.  My position prior to the 2018 presidential poll was well known in terms of not walking into politicking while the blood of innocent citizens was being spilled in a senseless war.  I do believe strongly that in life, one must have one’s priorities right – that too is an indispensable aspect of visionary leadership.

A last question on the future of Cameroon, what are your biggest fears and what gives you hope, will there be a Cameroon after Biya?

Ironically, I have almost no fears left for Cameroon because most of the fears are already being materialized before our very eyes in terms of how broken, polarized, fragmented, and divided the country is right now.  It couldn’t be worse than we’re currently experiencing.  The good news is that ‘countries don’t die’; individuals and regimes come and go, but the people whose resilience is quite legendary will pick themselves up and soldier on.  My greatest hope is in the younger generation as 60 percent of the population is under 25 years old, and yearning to find a better and more meaningful life and better opportunities for themselves, devoid of the prejudices, wickedness and malpractices of the past.  Also, for the very active group that represents 56 percent of the population between 15 and 65 years old, I hope they would draw lessons from the hardships and inferno of the Biya regime and turn the page so we can all work to put out the fires and begin the healing.

By Ajong Mbapndah L curled from PAV Magazine