THE SIX FACETS OF THE ANGLOPHONE PROBLEM
By DAVID ABOUEM A TCHOYI, Former Governor of North West and South West
Six facets come to mind:
1- Criticism of the centralized state.
2- The transfer of decision centers in Yaounde, far from the populations and their problems.
3- The non-respect of the commitments relating to the taking into account, in an equitable manner, the cultures and institutional, legal, administrative traditions inherited from the former administering powers.
4- The non-respect of the solemn promises made during the referendum campaign.
5- The change of the name of the State: replacement of "the United Republic of Cameroon" by "the Republic of Cameroon".
6- The non-respect of bilingualism in the public sector, although the Constitution makes French and English two official languages of equal value.
I will review, in a cursory way, these different facets.
1) Criticism of the centralized state
.For having been stripped of the important skills exercised, in complete autonomy, the State of Western Cameroon, many compatriots in this part of the territory have developed a deep sense of nostalgia, discomfort, frustration and discomfort. this feeling was accentuated over the years following the advent of the unitary state. This is not simply nostalgia for a dream time more or less past. it is the comparison between the quality of public governance practiced since 1972 and that which was held in the federated state of western Cameroon which leads, systematically, a large number of actors to slaughter the first and to regret the second, many of whom wishrecovery.
restoration
reinstatement
resettlement
recuperation
pickup
re-establishment
this feeling is real even for those who have not known the self-government of western Cameroon as a federated state.
The conclusions of the Foumban Conference of July 1961 can be glossed over ad infinitumit is fair to recognize that it has given very important powers to the federated states, on a list of matters as important as they were to manage autonomously.
the federated states had broad and exclusive competences on important subjects such as the Interior, the Penitentiary Administration, Decentralization, Rural and Community Development, Agriculture, Livestock, Fisheries, Public Works, Cooperatives ,Primary and Nursery Education, Energy and Water, Domains and Cadastre, Natural Resource Management, Federated Finance, etc. each federated state had its public function which it managed sovereignly.that of Western Cameroon was managed with the help of the "Public Service Commission", a kind of senior council of the civil service, responsible for ensuring the objectivity of appointments and promotions and the respect of ethical principles in the management of public services. careers.
the management of natural resources by the future federated States was particularly sensitive in July 1961. In separate interviews, J.N. Foncha, S.T. Muna and A.NThey told me that it had been the subject of heated discussions with the delegation of the Republic of Cameroon in Foumban, and then separately with President Ahidjo. they did not want any agreements previously signed with France to be applicable to the federated state of western Cameroon. according to them, it is also in the context of sharing income from the exploitation of certain natural resources (mines and hydrocarbons in particular) that they demanded and obtained that the population figure of each federated state should be clearly mentioned in the text of the
Federal Constitution of 1 September 1961.
Cameroon has been regarded as a constitutional curiosity, with a strong and unbalanced presidential regime at the federal level, but a classical parliamentary system at the state level.
in East Cameroon, classical parliamentarism could not function despite the provisions of the Constitution of that State, because of the unification of political parties and the fact that President Ahidjo continued to exert a daily influence on the management public affairsin that part of the territory he was already ruling as President of the Republic before Reunification. One remembers the resignation of a former prime minister of eastern Cameroon, Vincent de Paul Ahanda, in which he suggested that President Ahidjo would not let him assume his responsibilities.
but in Western Cameroon, parliamentary democracy was exercised fully, in accordance with the Constitution of that State. the elections were organized by an independent electoral commission created by a federal law of November 1961, the first in a country with French in common. by its composition, the mode of designation of its members and its rules of operation, it was really independent of the Executive and the Legislative. Its President, Justice Asonganyi confirmed this to me during an interview in Bamenda.
the government had to be invested by parliament before it took office and it was accountable to it. The two-chamber parliament -House of Assembly and House of Chiefs- was jealous of its prerogatives. President Ahidjo himself, despite all the authority he had, realized several times, especially in 1966.
Following the parliamentary elections held this year, the Kndp had the largest number of deputies at the House of Assembly. But its President, J.NFoncha, hitherto Vice-President of the Federal Republic and Prime Minister of Western Cameroon, could no longer cumulate these two functions, by virtue of a recently passed law. President Ahidjo decided to replace him by Hon. S.Tmuna he considered more federalist than No. 2, Augustine Ngom Jua. But the parliament sent him a firm message that he would refuse to invest in a government led by a minority party. Ahidjo was forced to appoint Augustine Ngom Jua, vice-president of the Kndp, whose autonomist tendencies irritated him.
Incidents have not been slow. firstly between the Prime Minister and the Federal Inspector of Administration for the region of Western Cameroon - it would say today Governor - which he considered to be on its territory. then between the Police, a federated force placed under the authority of the Prime Minister, and the National Gendarmerie, a federal force, which nearly came to an armed confrontation! Actors and witnesses of these incidents are still alive.
frustrations
the fact that all this was suppressed without being replaced, at the managerial level, by something better or even so good, has generated the frustrations and demands of which we are still living today. for example, appointments in the higher administration and the parapublic sector no longer corresponded to a legible rationality, and the anglophones felt marginalized. while, until then, everything was done locally in Western Cameroon, it was now necessary to go to Yaoundé to "follow the files". our compatriots from this part of the national territory came with the conviction that civil servants serving were actually in the service of the users. they were bewildered by the reception given to them by public officials who, despite the bilingual character of the state, forced them to gossip about a scarcely intelligible Englishman, often in the midst of laughter and jeering.
2) The transfer of decision centers to Yaoundé.
the decision centers, once close to the people and their problems, have all been transferred far from these to be concentrated in Yaoundé. consequences: hyper centralization, exasperating delays, multiple inefficiencies in public management, lack of accountability of leaders vis-à-vis the populations they have mission to serve. Two examples will suffice to illustrate it.
the government has decided to centralize at the National Civil Engineering Equipment Park (PNMGC) in Yaoundé all the civil engineering material hitherto held by the subdivisions of public works, in the chief towns of the regions and certain chief towns of the departments . all the machines in good condition of the former Public Works Department (PWD) of Western Cameroon were thus transferred to Yaoundé, to be now rented by the PNMGC. PWD agents, who controlled the rhythm of the seasons, began road maintenance two or three rains before the arrival of the dry season, to consolidate the roadway. So they wanted to do the same thing, the year after that centralization. when they asked to rent gear in the PNMGC, including those owned by them free-standing a few months earlier, they were told that the gear was on other sites; that the tank carriers were broken down; that the "cardboard" confirming the commitment of theirexpenditure had not yet come out of the Ministry of Finance; or other reasons.In front of the deplorable State of the road network which was getting worse, the populations threatened to revolt noisily. It was necessary to go back to the President of the Republic, after having knocked on all the doors without success, so that a beginning of solution could be found to this problem which became explosive. centralization, when you hold us!
Second example: the transfer to the National Water Company of Cameroon (SNEC), the management of water supplies until then provided by some municipalities. This government decision was not even explained to the people. however, the water supply had been realized from their own funds by municipalities and village communities, with or without the support of certain external partners. come to manage it and without having invested any franc, the SNEC took, as one of its first decisions, to reduce the number of standpipes.
In the city of Kumbo, the revolt almost turned into riots. the city's UNC mayor explained that the pipelines had been financed by the beneficiary populations themselves, that they regularly paid their receipts to the commune, that it was dangerous for the health of the populations to deprive them of their rights. drinking water ... nothing helped. a slogan spread like wildfire: "Beware of the snake! It has come to bite and kill. Ironic word game from the word SNEC. These angry populations were accused of "rebellion against established authority". it was necessary to go back to the level of the government so that a solution could be found to a problem of standpipes in communities of the hinterland. Centralization, when you hold us!
Cases of this nature and other matters of discontent have multiplied. it was not, of course, a malicious will of the Central Power, but rather an opposition between two administrative cultures: one, with reflexes instinctively centralizing, and the other, functioning by nature on the principle from empowerment to differenthierarchical levels of organizations.It is interesting to note that the francophone populations, which suffered the same effects of this hypercentralization, did not have the same reactions. Still a cultural problem. indeed, and our anglophone brethren could understand it without difficulty, francophones pose many acts without even realizing that they indispose, and not at all by malice. I take the example of the names of our administrative districts.
when the regions were created in 1962, the administrative districts formerly known as the "Bamileke Region" and "Bamoun Region" were regrouped to form the Western Administrative Region. Rightly, because it was West of Eastern Cameroon. but west of the territory of the federal state was western Cameroon, rightly called West Cameroon. During the transformation of the regions into provinces in 1972, that of the West became the western province, while the eastern Cameroon had just disappeared! our country is the only one in the world where the Northwest and the Southwest are contiguous! Whereas, as our teachers have taught us, between the North West and the South West, extends the West.
To better understand how our English-speaking brothers feel, let's reverse the situation.
on 1 January 1960 Southern Cameroon became independent. He negotiates the conditions of reunification with French-speaking Cameroon. This reunification is carried out on October 1st, 1961.During the negotiations, French-speaking Cameroon obtains the guarantee that the federal form of the state is forever intangible. An article of the Federal Constitution of 1 September 1961 enshrines this guarantee. however, the federal state was terminated on May 20, 1972, and a unitary state was established. From Kribi to Ndikiniméki, from Batouri to Tibati, from Poli to Kousséri .... the populations are now obliged to go to Buéa to follow their files. They are required to speak English. in front of haughty and mocking public officials, who are quick to make fun of them, even those who have never learned English are forced to confuse a Cameroonian who is hard to understand ...
who could honestly say that francophones would have been satisfied with such a situation, to the point of indulging in it and keeping quiet?
3) The non-respect of the solemn promises made during the referendum campaign.
the promises made during the campaign for the "Yes" vote in the referendum and which had determined a large number of voters to vote in this direction on May 20, 1972, have barely been respected. this is particularly the case for the acceleration of development which, in these two regions, should result from the savings achieved by the abolition of the institutions and organizations of the federated States. the agents of the federal government and the party of the UNC had indeed promised the asphalting of the roads, the construction of dams, the urbanization of the cities, the development of the border zones, etc. I personally attended some of these speeches, having been part of the team of the Political Secretary of the UNC and Minister of the Federal Territorial Administration (I served then as director of the organization of the territory in this ministry).
4) The non-respect of the commitments relating to the equitable consideration of the institutional, legal and administrative cultures and traditions inherited from colonization.
Whether we like it or not, British colonization, like French colonization, has produced an institutional, political, administrative, managerial, and other culture and traditions. She has also fashioned ways of reasoning and living. it was therefore necessary to take into account, in a fair way, despite the end of the federal state, this double heritage of the Anglo-Saxon and French systems. The State of Cameroon was committed to it.
Thus, in the aftermath of the institution of the unitary state, the political discourse emphasized the bilingual and multicultural nature of the state. Emphatically, it was affirmed that taking into account the positive elements of our double colonial heritage would enrich the positive values of our centuries-old traditions, the invigorating sap of our progress towards progress. the National Council of Higher Education and Scientific Research, as well as the National Council of Cultural Affairs, organized in
1974, helped to define the profile of this new Cameroonian
It was also one of the strong commitments made by President AHIDJO to S.TmUNA and JN FONCHA, when he consulted them on the immediate institution of a unitary State before delivering his speech of 6 May 1972. These two former Vice-Presidents of the Republic told me so, during interviews in their homes.
in the eyes of some populations in the Northwest and Southwest, this commitment was not respected
.French-speaking compatriots often criticize their English-speaking brothers for their inclination to refer, almost obsessively, to the Anglo-Saxon colonial legacy, as if it was the colonial legacy that was to structure relations between communities long united by ofmultiple links, even before the beginning of colonization.at the same time, they relish with delight to "their" French colonial heritage.our Constitution, our institutions, our administrative organization, our system of decentralization, our financial system, the overwhelming majority of our legislative and regulatory texts ... come from the French colonial heritage. sometimes even, we engage in simple transpositions, some of which can go as far as photocopying, as when setting up the National Observatory of Elections (ONEL).
yet we could - and still can - capitalize on this multicultural heritage, to give our country more appropriate and better standards. Is our Code of Criminal Procedure not there to give an eloquent proof?
this penchant for institutional mimicry has prompted protest movements such as the "Cameroon Action Movement" to affirm that French-speaking Cameroon was proactively pursuing French colonization in western Cameroon. The movement, which originated in 1979 and was probably based abroad, circulated many leaflets in Cameroon, most of them mailed from Canada and the United States. these pamphlets denounced, pell-mell, the marginalization of English speakers, treated as second-class citizens; the Frenchization of Cameroon, in defiance of the equality of the two colonial legacies; the transformation of the National Assembly into a single registration chamber, contrary to whatwas happening in western Cameroon; excessive centralization; the multiplicity and complexity of procedures; the abandonment of development priorities that were those of western Cameroon before unification, with the consequence of slowing development in this partof the territory ; etc.Conscious of the impact of these messages whose media accumulated, President AHIDJO sent to Bamenda and Buea strong delegations made up of members of the government, the political bureau and the central committee of the UNC. their mission was to give back the facts in their truth, to give explanations to the populations, to warn them against the harmfulness of such messages, and to lower the tension. then he set up a high-level ad hoc committee to reflect on the Anglophone problem.
Only three of the members of this committee are still alive, by the grace of God: H.E.MPaul Biya, then Prime Minister; Mrs. Dorothy Limunga Njeuma, then Deputy Minister of National Education; myself, then Governor of the North-West Province. All the others have already preceded us. I will quote from memory: Solomon Tandeng Muna, President of the National Assembly, Chairman of the Committee; Ministers of State / Ministers Samuel Eboua; Sadou Daoudou; Victor Ayissi Mvodo; Emmanuel Egbé Tabi; Namata Elangwe; Christian Songwe Bongwa; Joseph Chongwain Awunti; the MP andAdministrative Secretary of UNC, Thomas Ebongalamé; the Permanent Secretary for National Defense, Samuel Kamé; the Director General of the DIRDOC, Jean Fochivé; the governor of the Southwest; Fon Fosi Yakum Ntaw ....
I was appointed rapporteur of this Committee. Professional secrecy prohibits me from disclosing here the findings, conclusions and recommendations contained in our report. however, out of respect for the historical truth, I must point out that none of the members of this committee have any doubt about the existence of an Anglophone problem in Cameroon.
The work lasted a whole week. After reading our report, the President of the Republic decided to receive, individually, each member of this committee. I remember that on this occasion, he gave me his point of view on the various contours of this question, before asking for concrete proposals on the specific aspects of my province.
recognized at the time as real by the highest authorities of the state, the English problem would have disappeared, as if by magic? Certainly not. Especially since some facts have been added to an already complex situation.
5) The change of the name of the State: replacement of "the United Republic of Cameroon" by "the Republic of Cameroon"
At its accession to independence, the former State under French tutelage had taken the name of "Republic of Cameroon". it was with the Republic of Cameroon that Southern Cameroon negotiated the conditions for reunification. at the advent of the latter, the Republic of Cameroon became the Federated State of Eastern Cameroon, and Southern Cameroon, the Federated State of Western Cameroon, within the Federal Republic.
the change of name of the State in 1984- abandonment of the United Republic of Cameroon and return to the Republic of Cameroon- was perceived in many circles as a simple phagocytosis of former West Cameroon by the former Eastern Cameroon. the most pessimistic have seen a clear desire to remove, even in terms of symbols, the contribution of the former West Cameroon to reunification and the building of a larger nation.
this change of name has also brought home to many compatriots in the north-west and south-west the feeling of constituting a "distinct entity". the one whose populations, supremely, had chosen to find brothers and sisters of another "entity" from which they had been separated, so that both live in harmony and equality. for the extremists, it was therefore necessary, not only to resist "this phagocytosis", but also to perpetuate this "entity" through a name that would recall the history of this part of the national territory. The name "Ambazonia" seemed to respond to this concern.
Where does this name come from ? before Portuguese explorers reached the Wouri and gave it the name of "Rio dos Cameroes," they had docked in Limbe Bay. The saint of the day was St. Ambrose, in the Julian calendar (we are in 1492). they gave this bay the name of "Ambass Bahia", Baie Ambroise. Under the influence of English, this name became "Ambass Bay". This is the origin of the dance whose spelling has been Frenchized to become "ambass-ae" or "ambassibé" or something else. but the name of Ambazonia was not unanimous. Hence the return to that of "Southern Cameroon".
For the sake of truth, it should be noted that the inspirers of this name change were in good faith: I discussed with some of them. brilliant academics freshly integrated into the strategic circles of decision at the top of the state, they were still little informed of some realities of deep Cameroon, and only developing the reflex to summon them when preparing the decisions of the authoritiesin order to guarantee a healthy reception by the different segments of the social body.at no time had it occurred to them to embarrass some of their compatriots. Their reasoning was rather the following.
National unity had been the credo of the public authorities under the federal state and the united republic. the election of President Biya at the end of December 1983 marked the entry of Cameroon into the era of National Renewal. the National Renewal postulating that it was necessary to go from national unity to its higher phase, national integration, this passage constituted a true mutation, which had to be reflected through the very name of the State. the United Republic of Cameroon should therefore "become" the Republic of Cameroon.
The bill introduced on the National Assembly Bureau was worded as follows: "From the date of promulgation of this law, the United Republic of Cameroon becomes the Republic of Cameroon". it is a parliamentary amendment that has resulted in the current formulation: "... the United Republic of Cameroon takes the name of the Republic of Cameroon"; formulation of the remainder incorrect, on the legalistic level. the inspectors of this project did not realize that instead of a transfer, it was rather a return in the name of the State of Cameroon under French supervision at its accession to independence , a quarter of a century ago.
the tabling of this bill caused a stir in many people in the North West and South West Provinces. .In Buea where I served then, I was personally questioned by dozens of people, including UNC officials, who were asking for the meaning, the opportunity and the justification for this return to the pre-Reunification situation. . In Yaoundé, the ministers from both English-speaking provinces were all upset. Many are alive and can testify to it.
Some North-West and South-West MPs even advocated an open sling, and recommended a negative vote. they were all around the Speaker of the National Assembly, the Right Honorable S.T. Muna.after long and animated exchanges, they rallied to the position of the President of the Assembly and other moderate deputies who found it untimely to raise a slinging wind, because of the circumstances of the moment. Their argument was both logical and patriotic. noting that the conflict between the former President of the Republic and his successor had reached worrying proportions, they felt that a wave of rebellion in the English-speaking provinces at that time would undoubtedly weaken the new President, and give arguments tothose who opposed him.April 6, 1984they gave up the sling, but instructed the President of the National Assembly to draw the attention of the President of the Republic to the state of mind of the people in their constituencies, and to ask him to find, with wisdom father of the Nation, a solutionsatisfactory for all.the concerns about this law only faded because of the occurrence, in this troubled period, of serious events: the death sentence of the former president of the republic, and the mutiny of the Republican Guard on 06 April 1984.everyone understood that at such times, the whole people had to stand before their leaders.
6) The non-respect of bilingualism in the public sector, although the Constitution makes French and English two official languages of equal value.
of the six facets of the English-speaking problem mentioned above, which would be insusceptible of solutions? Any ! Absolutely none. So what to do?
History has given Cameroonians a sublime challenge: to build, from the singular path of their country, a united state, capable of constituting a model of integration of the various colonial legacies and its traditional multisecular values. if it succeeds, it can serve as a model or reference for all English-speaking, French-speaking, Spanish-speaking and Portuguese-speaking countries in Africa. It could thus constitute the epitome of African Unity. This challenge can be met. It must be.
however, this can only be done with humility, in dialogue, consultation and cordial understanding. Neither the power of numbers nor the military force can achieve this. Indeed, it is well known, "the opinions are like nails: the more one hits on them, the more one drives them".
no mistake !
Do not make the mistake of taking this problem high. We might have bitter awakenings; or it will be our children and grandchildren who will have it.
When I read the word Boko Haram for the first time in a newspaper, I was abroad. I then asked a Nigerian consultant colleague about this group. With a smirk, he replied, "you know, it's just an insignificant group of illuminated fanatics." in front of the thousands of dead, the hundreds of thousands of refugees and displaced, the hundreds of billions of francs used to fight this nebula, or the suffering without name which it continues to impose, nobody could hold such a language today . What happened ? boko Haram has found support outside. Let's not wait for compatriots who are uncomfortable and who cry out their ill-being, who one day, in despair, come to seek support outside.
We talk well with criminals, to free hostages! Let us discuss with all compatriots who feel the need, to free Cameroon from threats to peace, stability and security.
In the 1960s in France, unitary state and millennium, the Liberation Front of Britain (FLB) denounced what he called the "French colonialism in Britain." trainee in a prefecture in western France, I saw some of its militants brandishing the flag of the FLB instead of the French flag. Today, only historians still talk about the FLB. it is not the result of a war; nor of an embellishment of all the protagonists of the FLB. It is the consequence of a political offer, the result of a republican dialogue.
A few years ago, I was talking to the Dr.ngwang Gumne, one of the main leaders of the secessionist movement, with whom we had served in Bamenda. By chance, we were in Sweden, happy to see each other again. After more than two hours of discussions, he had this sentence: "my brother, as no one wants to listen to us, everyone will eventually hear us". I pointed out to him that he always called me his brother, whereas during all our discussions I was arguing against secession. With a smile, he said: "It's you in Yaoundé who do not want to listen to us".
Let us listen to all the children of our country. without prejudices, as requested by the President of the Republic in his message to the Nation on December 31, 2016. Offer to all our compatriots frameworks for discussion and consultation, to address our problems without bias, and solve them with sincerity in the truth.
what is going on with lawyers and teachers is going in the right direction. But do not limit ourselves to the treatment of what constitutes only manifestations, even mere symptoms. In all its complexity and depth, let us talk about the Anglophone problem. With courage and determination, we must provide satisfactory and convincing solutions. All citizens of our country will benefit. For peace in justice. For the good of the nation. For the sake of the homeland.
David Abouèm in Tchoyi
Consultant
former governor of the Spthen of the North-West;
Former Minesup;
Former Sg / Pr
Wednesday, September 18, 2019
Tuesday, September 17, 2019
Fru Ndi & Family Face Fresh Death Threats Ahead of Grand National Dialogue from Ambazonia Bombadiers
September 16, 2019
To: The Family of John Fru Ndi
From: Ambazonia Bombardiers
Re: Participation in the Farcical National Dialogue
Sons, daughters, siblings, nieces and nephews, lovers, wives or girlfriends of John Fru Ndi are hereby requested to inform him that he has lived his life undisturbed as such he must allow Ambazonia’s younger generation to live theirs as they see fit. An Ambazonia who is 25 years old today has at least 50 more years to live--contrastingly, Fru Ndi who is at least 80 years old, has at most 15 years to hand around. Therefore, it is logical that someone who will be around much longer be allowed to speak him(her)self rather than an old washed-up, non-consequential, know-nothing and ill-informed politician.
Wonjia Palace in Buea Burnt--the Chief of Wonjia did not listen; Fru Ndi beware https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SNX5OuKpWqA
Please, Mr. Fru Ndi you are advised to stop the charade or relocate permanently to La Republique du Cameroun (LRC) where you can freely practice your brand of politics, which produces zero outcomes. You are warned to allow Ambazonia’s Never Again Generation to fight for its destiny. We are peacefully asking Mr. Fru Ndi to let go, to let us decide our future but he is defiant and doesn’t want to listen. We are letting Mr. Fru Ndi to know that once he and his SDF participate in the LRC charade announced by the senile LRC dictator Paul Biya, he (Mr. Fru Ndi) shall not be allowed to ever step foot again in Ambazonia but Mr. Fru Ndi thinks it is a joke and is defiant and arrogant. It is not a joke and when we shall lay hands on Mr. Fru Ndi the next time around, he shall be dealt with accordingly--enough is enough!!!
To: The Family of John Fru Ndi
From: Ambazonia Bombardiers
Re: Participation in the Farcical National Dialogue
Sons, daughters, siblings, nieces and nephews, lovers, wives or girlfriends of John Fru Ndi are hereby requested to inform him that he has lived his life undisturbed as such he must allow Ambazonia’s younger generation to live theirs as they see fit. An Ambazonia who is 25 years old today has at least 50 more years to live--contrastingly, Fru Ndi who is at least 80 years old, has at most 15 years to hand around. Therefore, it is logical that someone who will be around much longer be allowed to speak him(her)self rather than an old washed-up, non-consequential, know-nothing and ill-informed politician.
Wonjia Palace in Buea Burnt--the Chief of Wonjia did not listen; Fru Ndi beware https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SNX5OuKpWqA
Please, Mr. Fru Ndi you are advised to stop the charade or relocate permanently to La Republique du Cameroun (LRC) where you can freely practice your brand of politics, which produces zero outcomes. You are warned to allow Ambazonia’s Never Again Generation to fight for its destiny. We are peacefully asking Mr. Fru Ndi to let go, to let us decide our future but he is defiant and doesn’t want to listen. We are letting Mr. Fru Ndi to know that once he and his SDF participate in the LRC charade announced by the senile LRC dictator Paul Biya, he (Mr. Fru Ndi) shall not be allowed to ever step foot again in Ambazonia but Mr. Fru Ndi thinks it is a joke and is defiant and arrogant. It is not a joke and when we shall lay hands on Mr. Fru Ndi the next time around, he shall be dealt with accordingly--enough is enough!!!
Monday, September 16, 2019
Ahead of Grand National Dialogue, Dr. Emmaneul Ngwa Lashes "SDF have Failed Anglophone"
THE SDF HAS FAILED THE “ANGLOPHONES”
By Dr. Emmanuel Ngwa
SDF protagonists, let me tell you guys what I personally think about these your preconditions for the so-called dialogue announced by President Paul Biya. I must say that it’s all about a quest for political relevance by your party at this time of the “Biyalogue” amidst the ragging Southern Cameroons Independence war.
The expressions in this your Press Release here attached are nothing but what I often described as political jaywalking and jiggery-pokery. You cannot harvest where you didn’t sow. The SDF has not been in any war with the Yaounde regime to be issuing them such preconditions for so-called dialogue.
The Southern Cameroons people at the beginning of the then crisis recognized the SDF as a party that was originally created to advanced their political plight in the Cameroons. That’s why they beckoned on them to save innocent lives by making a radical pulling out all its members in the Cameroun National Assembly. The SDF, unfortunately, grossly mismanaged this opportunity given to them by Southern Cameroonians. This was a clear avenue for the SDF political jobbers to put themselves in the spotlight of this political imbroglio.
As a young Southern Cameroonian, I grew up to learn from my grandmother and my secondary school history teacher that the SDF was created as an Anglophone Pressure group to politically advanced the interest of “Anglophones” (Southern Cameroonians) as a subjugated and recolonized people within the Cameroons political space. Some historical and political pundits even argue that the SDF’s genuine quest became diluted after its charismatic leadership tasted from the Yaoundé political crumbs, coupled with their newfound hobnobbing political romance with the Yaoundé cabal.
Since then, it is common believe among the people that; the famous SDF party which was founded on the alter of Southern Cameroons human sacrifices has, in reality, become a disguised appendage of the imposing CPDM bandwagon – adopting a national semblance and pretending to be lone strong opposition voice in the polity, always barking but never biting. It’s therefore not surprising that the party, over the years, eloquently ignored the genuine efforts of “Anglophone” nationalist movements like the SCNC and others in their unrelenting quest for the preservation of the Southern Cameroons identity.
In 2016, the never again generation of Southern Cameroonians took their destinies into their own hands, rose up against octogenarian tyranny and the recolonization of their ancestral identity. The response from the regime was, of course, brutal, leading to a declaration of war on unarmed people, which has now claimed more than 5000 lives and culminated where we are today – a call for a “Biyalogue”.
History has recorded that the SDF refused to openly stand with the people and even went as far as isolating its own vocal people-driven comrade MP Hon. Wirba. I can say without fear of contradiction that the SDF and its leadership have largely played the role of “bite and blow” in the course of this senseless war – a more dangerous role than that of their CPDM colleagues who are known enemies of the people. If the SDF had listened to the people from the beginning, the bloody regime would have long been on its knees and more innocent lives preserved.
The defiant, determined and seemingly unperturbed dane gun warriors have succeeded in forcing the limping regime into partially acknowledging a problem it has consistently ignored before now and has therefore called for a so-called dialogue. The SDF midpoint, who are not known as one of the warring independence-seeking revolutionary factions are now at the forefront of giving Paul Biya conditions under which such a Biyalogue should hold. Do they intend to write a new chapter in conflict resolution and post-war settlements?
In my little knowledge of negotiations between two warring parties, the talks are often between the two belligerent parties, mediated by a neutral party on a neutral ground. In this 3 years old Southern Cameroons independence war, the world knows of the Cameroun army represented by the State of Cameroun and the Ambazonia Restoration forces represented by the different independence-seeking factions.
From the reactions of Southern Cameroons Independence leaders who are the ones with the guns and the bullets, it is evident that they have all rejected the Biya form of dialogue. How come the SDF is now at the forefront of issuing pre-dialogue conditions to the Yaoundé regime? Is the SDF by this telling us that they also have a rebel faction among the Ambazonia Restoration forces and have thus accepted the Biyalogue? If not, how do they intend to dialogue on behalf of those carrying guns and fighting for total independence when the party is not a known independence movement? Is it an attempt to steal this Biyalogue opportunity and see how to exploit it for their political aggrandizement?
As I wait for poignant answers to these ringing questions, let all those movements, individuals and personalities keying into the Yaoundé form of proposed dialogue be aware that they are on a fruitless mission. This conflict had longed passed their level. The talking stage where mare sweet soft words could bring back normalcy had passed. We are now at the shooting stage and only those who control the guns and the bullets can talk to each other now on an independently mediated negotiations table. Anytime these two agree to talk to each other, the representation of the “middlists” in such negotiations may again be considered by both belligerents.
So for now, SDF, CPDM, Federalists, and Unionists are all observers in this stage.
Prof. Victor Ngoh Seasoned Cameroon Historian Laud Call for National Dialogue, & Prays it Should not be Politicized
Keep Aside Political Affiliations, Look At National Interest”
Professor Victor Julius Ngoh, Historian, Department of History, Faculty of Arts, Letters, and Social Sciences of the University of Yaounde I.
How do you appreciate the Head of State, President Paul Biya’s message to the nation in which he announced a National Dialogue mainly to solve the crisis in the North West and South West Regions?
It is important to point out that the President’s speech was long awaited. I will like to believe that it came after he must have thought about it very well, analysed the causes of the crisis and the measures which he thinks should be put in place in order to address the crisis. The message was very good, well calculated and he was very composed. He was very conciliatory, provided the roadmap of what is expected. Just the fact that he made it clear that there is a problem and that he has received proposals from various sources. The Prime Minister, His Excellency Chief Dr Joseph Dion Ngute visited the North West and South West Regions, held a series of meetings with various leaders across the board to get the actual feelings of those who are feeling the brunt of the crisis. On the field he told the people that the President has sent him to come and find out what the problem was. He was able to come back and give his report to the President. It was a well delivered speech giving the way forward as far as the solution to the crisis is concerned.
A few days after the message to the nation announcing a Major National Dialogue, how do you appreciate the reactions of the national and international communities?
As far as the international and the national communities are concerned, it is normally agreed that a military solution cannot be used to defeat an ideology. It is better to convince somebody or a group of people with a particular ideology that it cannot succeed and give reasons why it cannot succeed. This is because you can defeat a group militarily but you cannot defeat the ideology. So, in this particular instance, the President has done a fantastic job and on the whole, the national and international reactions have been very positive. I say this based on the reactions from the UN Secretary General and also reactions from the various national stakeholders who are concerned. Almost every class of the Cameroonian society has supported the move. Of course, you should quickly recognise that in every community you cannot have a 100 per cent approval of any project or statement that somebody makes. You are not only a lecturer of History but a historian considering that you have written on Cameroon History.
What do say concerning the form and the nature of the national dialogue the Head of State announced to start at the end of this September?
I strongly advise that a cross section of the population of the North West and South West should be involved. I mean representatives of various groups. I will find it very uncomfortable and I am sure most Cameroonians, especially most Anglohones will also find it uncomfortable if politicians in Yaounde decide to tele-guide those who should represent the various groups. Let people on the ground propose those to come for the consultations and dialogue. It should be a bottom-top approach so that the man on the streets should really feel involved that whatever their representative is saying is really representing him. This is important because since the eruption of the crisis in November 2016, I think Cameroonians should understand this, the local population in various subdivisions, villages have been expecting their leaders to have at least gone down to the ground to call meetings and explain what the crisis is all about, what the government is doing and try to debunk some of the information which some Cameroonians in the Diaspora and some here at home have been saying. Information that is trying to distort actually what the situation is. Without a solid, honest, accurate information, the crisis will just be accentuated.
Concretely, what do you propose can be done for the dialogue to be effective and to produce the desired results which is the return to peace, security, stability and normalcy in the North West and South West Regions?
First of all, we should recognize the intensity and complexity of the crisis in the North West and South West Regions. At the end of the day the solution cannot only be restricted to the two affected regions. You should bear in mind that the crisis has affected the totality of Cameroonians from the political, economic, social and cultural points of view. Those to be involved should be those who have felt the punishment. Take for instance CDC and PAMOL that are completely grounded and workers redundant. It will take years and billions of CFA francs to revive these companies. Government should ensure that those corporations are represented because they will be able to give a direct experience how they have felt the impact of the crisis. They will have proposals which a straight -jacket politician might not have. Therefore groups that should be represented should be the industrial plantation workers, businessmen, religious leaders, traditional leaders, parliamentarians, teachers groups, lawyers, taxi associations, public transport associations and motorbike associations. Because you have to understand that the crisis has been fuelled by the active participation of motorbike riders. Cameroonians in the Diaspora should be invited and should participate. It should not only be restricted to those who are calling for secession or independence because in the Diaspora there are three groups of Cameroonians. There are those who support the federal structure, those who want secession and others who want decentralization. As such, delegations government will be sending abroad should have this in mind. For a successful dialogue, the chairperson of the organizing committee, the Prime Minister should ensure that those who are involved should not wear their political party caps because the crises are not those of a particular political party. The delegates and participants should keep aside their political ideologies, affiliations and look at the issue from the point of the national interest of the country.
Professor Victor Julius Ngoh, Historian, Department of History, Faculty of Arts, Letters, and Social Sciences of the University of Yaounde I.
How do you appreciate the Head of State, President Paul Biya’s message to the nation in which he announced a National Dialogue mainly to solve the crisis in the North West and South West Regions?
It is important to point out that the President’s speech was long awaited. I will like to believe that it came after he must have thought about it very well, analysed the causes of the crisis and the measures which he thinks should be put in place in order to address the crisis. The message was very good, well calculated and he was very composed. He was very conciliatory, provided the roadmap of what is expected. Just the fact that he made it clear that there is a problem and that he has received proposals from various sources. The Prime Minister, His Excellency Chief Dr Joseph Dion Ngute visited the North West and South West Regions, held a series of meetings with various leaders across the board to get the actual feelings of those who are feeling the brunt of the crisis. On the field he told the people that the President has sent him to come and find out what the problem was. He was able to come back and give his report to the President. It was a well delivered speech giving the way forward as far as the solution to the crisis is concerned.
A few days after the message to the nation announcing a Major National Dialogue, how do you appreciate the reactions of the national and international communities?
As far as the international and the national communities are concerned, it is normally agreed that a military solution cannot be used to defeat an ideology. It is better to convince somebody or a group of people with a particular ideology that it cannot succeed and give reasons why it cannot succeed. This is because you can defeat a group militarily but you cannot defeat the ideology. So, in this particular instance, the President has done a fantastic job and on the whole, the national and international reactions have been very positive. I say this based on the reactions from the UN Secretary General and also reactions from the various national stakeholders who are concerned. Almost every class of the Cameroonian society has supported the move. Of course, you should quickly recognise that in every community you cannot have a 100 per cent approval of any project or statement that somebody makes. You are not only a lecturer of History but a historian considering that you have written on Cameroon History.
What do say concerning the form and the nature of the national dialogue the Head of State announced to start at the end of this September?
I strongly advise that a cross section of the population of the North West and South West should be involved. I mean representatives of various groups. I will find it very uncomfortable and I am sure most Cameroonians, especially most Anglohones will also find it uncomfortable if politicians in Yaounde decide to tele-guide those who should represent the various groups. Let people on the ground propose those to come for the consultations and dialogue. It should be a bottom-top approach so that the man on the streets should really feel involved that whatever their representative is saying is really representing him. This is important because since the eruption of the crisis in November 2016, I think Cameroonians should understand this, the local population in various subdivisions, villages have been expecting their leaders to have at least gone down to the ground to call meetings and explain what the crisis is all about, what the government is doing and try to debunk some of the information which some Cameroonians in the Diaspora and some here at home have been saying. Information that is trying to distort actually what the situation is. Without a solid, honest, accurate information, the crisis will just be accentuated.
Concretely, what do you propose can be done for the dialogue to be effective and to produce the desired results which is the return to peace, security, stability and normalcy in the North West and South West Regions?
First of all, we should recognize the intensity and complexity of the crisis in the North West and South West Regions. At the end of the day the solution cannot only be restricted to the two affected regions. You should bear in mind that the crisis has affected the totality of Cameroonians from the political, economic, social and cultural points of view. Those to be involved should be those who have felt the punishment. Take for instance CDC and PAMOL that are completely grounded and workers redundant. It will take years and billions of CFA francs to revive these companies. Government should ensure that those corporations are represented because they will be able to give a direct experience how they have felt the impact of the crisis. They will have proposals which a straight -jacket politician might not have. Therefore groups that should be represented should be the industrial plantation workers, businessmen, religious leaders, traditional leaders, parliamentarians, teachers groups, lawyers, taxi associations, public transport associations and motorbike associations. Because you have to understand that the crisis has been fuelled by the active participation of motorbike riders. Cameroonians in the Diaspora should be invited and should participate. It should not only be restricted to those who are calling for secession or independence because in the Diaspora there are three groups of Cameroonians. There are those who support the federal structure, those who want secession and others who want decentralization. As such, delegations government will be sending abroad should have this in mind. For a successful dialogue, the chairperson of the organizing committee, the Prime Minister should ensure that those who are involved should not wear their political party caps because the crises are not those of a particular political party. The delegates and participants should keep aside their political ideologies, affiliations and look at the issue from the point of the national interest of the country.
Sunday, September 15, 2019
English Cameroon for A United Cameroon Writes Advocating for 10 State Federation Ahead of Grand National Dialogue
NW/SW brothers and sisters,
Corrupt world organizations and greedy foreign nations that do business with Mr. Biya now support his vacuous call for dialogue on the anglophone crisis. We need to use this national dialogue to prove that Mr. Biya’s government cannot guarantee the barest minimum of our demands, which must include a ten-state federation and his resignation. We can then justifiably push forward with the anglophone campaign for a change of govt and subsequent structured dialogue with the new president.
Mr. Biya and his French masters are fixated on their failed decentralized unitary state. Mr. Biya also denies marginalization claims. Anglophones must use effective strategies to defend their interests and seek justice for their traumatic experience in this civil war. As being pursued, anglophones are about to embarrass themselves with incoherent demands and continuous begging.
The minimum outcome of a dialogue must be a ten-state federation, development projects, compensation for damaged/stolen property by government forces during this senseless war, allowances for orphans, widows and widowers of civilians killed, and Mr. Biya’s resignation within a year for his past failures coupled with unconstitutional behavior. These are the minimum. Many more demands can be elaborated as in our previous work. Failure to obtain these minimum demands, anglophones must intensify the demand for the immediate resignation of Mr. Biya.
Let’s look at some of the issues at stake:
1. Marginalization – guilty as charged
a. Mr. Biya stole the presidential victory of our brother, Ni John Fru Ndi, in 1992. This was partly motivated by the view that anglophones are nothing in this country. Mr. Biya’s blatant election theft open the floodgates for illegal behavior at all levels of government. The worst victims of this new culture are anglophones. They are less than citizens, sometimes, inviting hatred from francophone colleagues because of their above average integrity.
b. Mr. Biya claims there is no marginalization because prime ministers since Mr. Achu have been anglophones. This is his method. He devalued the office of the prime minister so that the token anglophones only act as puppet. Mr. Ngoh Ngoh at the presidency condescending gives orders to the current prime minister who hardly meets with the almight god, Paul Biya. As if this devaluation is not enough, when francophones steal from the govt, the poor anglophone prime minister is also locked up like Chief Noni.
c. The atmosphere of lawlessness unleashed in 1992 cannot permit implementation of whatever solutions can be found in this dialogue. Mr. Biya must therefore resign for the seed of hope to grow.
2. Justice for errors of the past
a. Truth and reconciliation in NW/SW regions because of this war. We demand justice for victims and welfare provisions for orphans, widows and widowers of civilians killed
b. Major infrastructure in NW/SW, including rehabilitation and further development of airports as well as construction of a railway line from Douala to Bamenda and Mamfe. Limbe seaport is still awaited.
c. Correction of under-representation in many public and private sectors with slight over-representation before transition to equilibrium equitable opportunities
Observation: Given the dysfunctional, corrupt, incompetent and lawless government structure that Mr. Biya has set up, this rectification of past errors cannot be done in a timely and economic manner. The whole Biya system must be shaken up through resignation of Mr. Biya.
3. Institutional reform to guarantee welfare of anglophones in future
a. Ten-state federation as compromise between potentially separatist two-state federation and useless decentralized unitary state. Anglophones should stop saying “form of state should be on the table”; we are not begging or debating, we demand it as the least acceptable correction of the gross injustice of 1972. If Mr. Biya is not open to reform the constitution toward that end, we demand his resignation (many prevailing laws were dictated by him to his slavish parliament).
b. Presidential term reduction to five years and presidential term limits to two terms
c. Streamline bureaucracy at the seaport, streamline red tape that frustrates entrepreneurs, dual nationality to encourage investment, functional oversight of government to prevent embezzlement, increased automated payment methods into state coffers, etc.
d. Given the long-term nature of these reforms, all major opposition parties must participate. Mr. Kamto must be released and must take part in these reforms. There is a reasonable probability that he will be the third president of Cameroon.
e. BIR must be dismantled and absorbed into the regular army. This foreign-run unit is a medieval instrument of repression and barbarism. It is also a channel for disportionate channeling of money into greedy weapon market of Mr. Biya’s allies in crime.
Observation: Mr. Biya has neither the desire nor energy to carry out these institutional changes, himself being old and a usurper of power. Anglophones must therefore follow up this inability with a clear call for Mr. Biya to resign.
4. Protection of anglophone specificities:
a. Greater autonomy for anglophone universities; professors to be hired by universities, deans and department heads to be appointed as in other anglo saxon universities.
b. Expansion of educational institutions following the anglo saxon tradition anywhere in the national territory must acknowledge in certain way, the anglophone contribution to the development of this progressive educational culture
c. Common law courts in NW/SW and at least a bilegal court in every region with competent magistrate. Legal cultures around the world that mix common and civil law should be studied as template for interaction between the two (Scotland, South Africa, California, Texas, etc.)
d. No gendarmes in NW/SW; the mobile wing of the police can be re-established and trained in a humane manner.
e. Defamation charges should only be civil cases, not criminal in NW/SW regions
Observation: Mr. Biya is an expert in French colonial administration; he is not in a position to understand the logic of these demands let alone entertain their satisfaction. Anglophones must therefore present these demands and proceed to demand that Mr. Biya resign immediately.
5. Ayuk Tabe and co, other separatist leaders
a. We are aware of the sentencing of Ayuk Tabe and co. We want anglophones to bear in mind that their sentencing is much to be envied by those of us who have lost many innocent relatives in this senseless war jointly cooked up by ambazonians and the Biya regime. As for the judgment, by trying to establish their ambazonian nationality, we knew that their ambazonian activist lawyers had worsened the prospects of their acquittal. We will join voices to ask for a reduction of their prison terms to about 5 years as part of the dialogue outcome while we demand immediate release of non-violent detainees with no leadership positions.
b. We ask ambazonian leaders to tell us how the swiss dialogue went or is going
c. Separatists should realize that they have failed us and have no way forward. All international organizations and foreign nations now support the vacuous dialogue for internal resolution of the crisis within the framework of a united Kamerun.
d. We continue to warn against the ill-advised strategy of trying to defeat ambazonians. A recent study reported by Cardinal Tumi confirms that over 69% anglophones blindly support separation. This is in line with our earlier estimate of 70%. That means despite occasional violence from amba boys, the population supports them. The govt forces have prioritized killings over arrests and they venture into areas to intimidate the populations to renounce their support for ambazonia. From the announcement of the dialogue, we demand that all govt forces serving in an area where civilians are killed, be subject to investigation for complicity. All killers, govt or amba will be identified and punished.
Observation 1: Anglophone elite should stop confusing things; those in prison for separation and school boycott can benefit from clemency at the end of resolution of the crisis, not upfront. Some will be set free and others can best hope for a term reduction.
Observation 2: Mr. Biya surrendered the anglophone crisis to the military and his BIR mercernary. They got the message that they can do what they want, including war crimes. Now, Mr. Biya is afraid to bring these soldiers to justice for extra judicial killings, arson, etc. He will therefore deny us the most basic demand to cope with the trauma experienced by our people. We must articulate the demand for justice and compensation with the hope to get a rejection and then proceed to demand very strongly that Mr. Biya should therefore resign.
In summary, anglophones should stop saying x or y should be on the table; we should have clear demands with justification. We know that Mr. Biya will say no. We therefore only want justification for a more unified and amplified call for Mr. Biya to resign immediately. The constitution must be followed to seek the new president for further structured dialogue.
One Kamerun in Peace and Unity (without President Biya, without French colonial intrigues)
English Cameroon for a united Cameroon
sept 16, 2019
Saturday, September 14, 2019
1990 History arround Pillars of Southern Cameroon History
FOUNDING FATHER OF CURRENT CAMEROON JOHN NGU FONCHA'S 1990 LETTER OF RESIGNATION FROM BIYA'S RULING CPDM, BECAUSE OF THE MARGINALIZATION OF THE ANGLOPHONES AND HIMSELF
IN 1995, HIM, TANDENG MUNA AND OTHER ANGLOPHONES CROSSED THE MUNGO BRIDGE BACK TO SOUTHERN CAMEROON HOLDING UN FLAG, TO SYMBOLIZE SEPARATION FROM THE FRANCOPHONE LA RÉPUBLIQUE DU CAMEROUN
Dr. John Ngu Foncha’s Resignation Letter
“Yaounde, 9th June 1990
Your Excellency,
RESIGNATION FROM THE CPDM
I have the honour to inform Your Excellency that after careful consideration and careful thought, I have decided to address to you my resignation from the Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM) and my reasons for resigning are as follows:
The CPDM which elected me as its first National Vice President is the party which forms the GOC and has been responsible for shaping government policies.
As the National Vice President of the party, I have found it impossible to use my exalted position to help in any way shape or influence the policies of the party and nation because:
1) Demands by me for audience with the Chairman (President) of the party to discuss issues have been systematically turned down.
2) Several memos and representations I have made in writing on several important national issues have been ignored.
During my political career which spans over forty years, I headed the group that campaigned for and got the peoples of the then the Southern Cameroons to vote for unification, after which I went from village to village in the then East Cameroun at the risk of my life to calm terrorism which existed at the time. I even housed some Cameroonians wanted in East Cameroon. I successfully had them reconcile with the Ahidjo government. I missed being shot down on my way from Bafang on peace making mission.
After unification, a lot of Cameroonians had confidence in me and when the first Presidential elections were coming up, many people urged me to stand against President Ahidjo. I decided to go for the Vice Presidency instead in order to avoid unnecessary conflict and further bloodshed.
When President Ahidjo decided to get rid of me as the Vice President, a lot of Cameroonians sympathized with me and urged me to make an issue out of it, but for the love of peace, I came back quietly to live in my village as a private citizen.
After settling in my village, I was occasionally consulted on some national issues and I accepted to serve the people of Cameroon in whatever capacity it pleased the powers that be to put me. When the leadership of Cameroon changed hands and Your Excellency became the President of the Republic and eventually head of the CNU, I assured Your Excellency that I was at your disposal and ready from my experience to give you advice you may need on national issues.
1) Unfortunately this was not to be as it became clear to me that I had become an irrelevant nuisance that had to be ignored and ridiculed.
– I was to be used now only as window dressing and not listened to. I am most of the time summoned to meetings by radio without any courtesy of my consultation on the agenda.
2) All projects of the former West Cameroon I had either initiated or held very dear to my heart had to be taken over, mismanaged and ruined, e.g. Cameroon Bank, West Cameroon Marketing Board, WADA in Wum, West Cameroon Cooperative Movement.
3) Whereas I spent all my life fighting to have a deep sea port in Limbe (Victoria) developed, this project had to be shelved and instead an expensive pipeline is to be built from SONARA in Limbe to Douala in order to pipe the oil to Douala.
4) All the roads in West Cameroon my government had either built, improved or maintained were allowed to deteriorate making Kumba-Mamfe, Mamfe-Bamenda, Bamenda-Wum-Nkambe, Bamenda-Mom inaccessible by road. Projects were shelved even after petrol produced enough money for building them and the Limbe sea port.
5) All progress of employment, appointments, etc. meant to promote adequate regional representation in government and its services have been revised or changed at the expense of those who stood for TRUTH and justice. They are identified as “Foncha-man” and put aside.
6) The Southern Cameroonian whom I brought into the Union have been ridiculed and referred to as “les Biafrians”, les enemies dans la maison”, “les traitres’, etc., and the constitutional provisions which protected this Southern Cameroonian minority have been suppressed, their voices drowned while the rule of the gun has replaced the dialogue which Southern Cameroonians cherish very much.
7) The national media has been used by the government through people who never voted for unification to misinform the citizens about Bamenda, deliberate lies have been told over the mass media all in an attempt to isolate the Southern Cameroonian Cameroonians who voted for unification and subject them to hatred and more discrimination and harassment from other Cameroonians.
8) Embezzlement of Public funds in all forms and illegal exportation of our currency by the privileged class seems to go without reprimand but is rather condoned.
9) The constitution which I have held and preached as the supreme law of the land is in many respects being ignored or manipulated… Let the CPDM not move towards the direction where it will find itself collapsing faster than many of the “strong” governments that have collapsed in recent memory. My resignation is effective from today the 9th June 1990.
Thank You.
I have the Honor to be
Yours Respectfully,
Dr. J.N. Foncha”
IN 1995, HIM, TANDENG MUNA AND OTHER ANGLOPHONES CROSSED THE MUNGO BRIDGE BACK TO SOUTHERN CAMEROON HOLDING UN FLAG, TO SYMBOLIZE SEPARATION FROM THE FRANCOPHONE LA RÉPUBLIQUE DU CAMEROUN
Dr. John Ngu Foncha’s Resignation Letter
“Yaounde, 9th June 1990
Your Excellency,
RESIGNATION FROM THE CPDM
I have the honour to inform Your Excellency that after careful consideration and careful thought, I have decided to address to you my resignation from the Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM) and my reasons for resigning are as follows:
The CPDM which elected me as its first National Vice President is the party which forms the GOC and has been responsible for shaping government policies.
As the National Vice President of the party, I have found it impossible to use my exalted position to help in any way shape or influence the policies of the party and nation because:
1) Demands by me for audience with the Chairman (President) of the party to discuss issues have been systematically turned down.
2) Several memos and representations I have made in writing on several important national issues have been ignored.
During my political career which spans over forty years, I headed the group that campaigned for and got the peoples of the then the Southern Cameroons to vote for unification, after which I went from village to village in the then East Cameroun at the risk of my life to calm terrorism which existed at the time. I even housed some Cameroonians wanted in East Cameroon. I successfully had them reconcile with the Ahidjo government. I missed being shot down on my way from Bafang on peace making mission.
After unification, a lot of Cameroonians had confidence in me and when the first Presidential elections were coming up, many people urged me to stand against President Ahidjo. I decided to go for the Vice Presidency instead in order to avoid unnecessary conflict and further bloodshed.
When President Ahidjo decided to get rid of me as the Vice President, a lot of Cameroonians sympathized with me and urged me to make an issue out of it, but for the love of peace, I came back quietly to live in my village as a private citizen.
After settling in my village, I was occasionally consulted on some national issues and I accepted to serve the people of Cameroon in whatever capacity it pleased the powers that be to put me. When the leadership of Cameroon changed hands and Your Excellency became the President of the Republic and eventually head of the CNU, I assured Your Excellency that I was at your disposal and ready from my experience to give you advice you may need on national issues.
1) Unfortunately this was not to be as it became clear to me that I had become an irrelevant nuisance that had to be ignored and ridiculed.
– I was to be used now only as window dressing and not listened to. I am most of the time summoned to meetings by radio without any courtesy of my consultation on the agenda.
2) All projects of the former West Cameroon I had either initiated or held very dear to my heart had to be taken over, mismanaged and ruined, e.g. Cameroon Bank, West Cameroon Marketing Board, WADA in Wum, West Cameroon Cooperative Movement.
3) Whereas I spent all my life fighting to have a deep sea port in Limbe (Victoria) developed, this project had to be shelved and instead an expensive pipeline is to be built from SONARA in Limbe to Douala in order to pipe the oil to Douala.
4) All the roads in West Cameroon my government had either built, improved or maintained were allowed to deteriorate making Kumba-Mamfe, Mamfe-Bamenda, Bamenda-Wum-Nkambe, Bamenda-Mom inaccessible by road. Projects were shelved even after petrol produced enough money for building them and the Limbe sea port.
5) All progress of employment, appointments, etc. meant to promote adequate regional representation in government and its services have been revised or changed at the expense of those who stood for TRUTH and justice. They are identified as “Foncha-man” and put aside.
6) The Southern Cameroonian whom I brought into the Union have been ridiculed and referred to as “les Biafrians”, les enemies dans la maison”, “les traitres’, etc., and the constitutional provisions which protected this Southern Cameroonian minority have been suppressed, their voices drowned while the rule of the gun has replaced the dialogue which Southern Cameroonians cherish very much.
7) The national media has been used by the government through people who never voted for unification to misinform the citizens about Bamenda, deliberate lies have been told over the mass media all in an attempt to isolate the Southern Cameroonian Cameroonians who voted for unification and subject them to hatred and more discrimination and harassment from other Cameroonians.
8) Embezzlement of Public funds in all forms and illegal exportation of our currency by the privileged class seems to go without reprimand but is rather condoned.
9) The constitution which I have held and preached as the supreme law of the land is in many respects being ignored or manipulated… Let the CPDM not move towards the direction where it will find itself collapsing faster than many of the “strong” governments that have collapsed in recent memory. My resignation is effective from today the 9th June 1990.
Thank You.
I have the Honor to be
Yours Respectfully,
Dr. J.N. Foncha”
Wednesday, September 11, 2019
10 Southern Cameroon Fractions Write in Opposition to National Dialogue, Vows for Nothing Short of Independence. Lay Down Preconditions if at all any Meaningful Dialogue will Hold with them Involved
Southern Cameroons Liberation Movements Ask Paul Biya to Immediately Pull out his Military & Administration from their Homeland
Tuesday, 10 Sept. 2019 - We are horrified, though not surprised, by the callous indifference that Mr. Biya and his colonial regime continue to show in the face of what is an unfolding genocide and an illegal war of recolonization and annexation in Southern Cameroons. This war is on the verge of entering its fourth year with tens of thousands killed, over 150,000 driven into refugee camps in neighboring countries, 1.5 million internally displaced and millions more impacted.
We recognize that the tyrant of neighboring La Republique du Cameroun has arrogated to himself powers to decree the organization of any political circus, including what he described in his address today as a “national dialogue”. However, as the liberators of our people from recolonization, we will not allow him to use such a circus to lure the international community into slumber in the belief that this heartless tyrant intends, in any genuine way, to address the identity and territorial conflict between the two Cameroons that is at the core of the war that Mr. Biya declared and is now too frightened to even recognize.
We urge the international community to order Mr. Biya, his sponsors, and occupation forces to stop playing games with the lives of millions of Southern Cameroonians. As with the Soviet Union and the confederacy of Senegal and The Gambia, the failed union Mr. Biya calls the “one, and indivisible Kamerun” was declared “dead and buried” on the 1st of October 2017 and it will never be resurrected.
That is why, in the spirit of seeking genuine peace that is founded on justice, on international law, on United Nations-backed resolutions which grant Southern Cameroons independence, the
right to self-determination and outlines a path for separation, we, hereby, reiterate our commitment to the third-party-mediated negotiations without preconditions called for and supported by the international community.
We remind the international community that the ongoing genocide in Southern Cameroons is the direct result of the botched decolonization process and that resolving it will be impossible without the restoration of the independence of Southern Cameroons. This is a cause for which we will forever remain faithful and would, proudly, give our own freedom or lives.
We remind Mr. Biya that we will not allow him, his regime, his sponsors and his occupation forces in Southern Cameroons to quietly slaughter, rape, maim, assassinate, kill, burn and loot with impunity. Neither will the sovereign people of Ambazonia allow the distraction that is the so-called “national dialogue” convened by Mr. Biya to misrepresent what is at stake in the Cameroons. It is not the marginalization of Southern Cameroonians. It is not trade union concerns. It is not even a matter of language, bilingualism, and/or protection for the AngloSaxon education and legal systems that Southern Cameroonians hold dear.
Mr. Biya chose, in his address today as he has done in the past supported by his sponsors, to highlight the symptoms; not the disease. The cancer at the heart of the genocidal war in the
Cameroons is recolonization, annexation, colonial administration and illegal military occupation of Southern Cameroons by La Republique du Cameroun. The root cause is the pursuit in the 21st century of a crime against humanity (colonization) under an experiment that has now lasted over 100 years. In the 44 years to 1953, that experiment failed to convert Southern Cameroonians into Nigerians. Southern Cameroons enjoyed self-government from 1954 until 1961. For 58 years since 1961, the Ahidjo-Biya regime has embarked on another failed attempt to terrorize Southern Cameroonians into becoming citizens of annexationist Cameroun.
Contrary to the claims which Mr. Biya made in his address, we remind him and his sponsors that they have no right to take life, order the mass slaughter of those they call “dogs”, “rats”, “roaches” and “enemies within”, and have no powers to grant pardon (to themselves or to anyone else). We will ensure that they will not enjoy any immunity or pardon for perpetrating, financing, sponsoring, committing or turning a blind eye while war crimes, crimes against humanity, violations of international law and acts bordering on genocide are perpetrated against the sovereign people of Southern Cameroons.
We hold this truth to be self evident that the time has come for the international community to recognize that the Biya regime is both unwilling and unable to end mass human rights violations. As a consequence, we remind the international community of the Never Again Pledge they took following the Holocaust and encourage a break from the criminal silence that made the 1994 Rwandan Genocide possible. The time has come for the international community to evoke the Responsibility to Protect principle in order to end the genocide in Southern Cameroons. World experts on genocide agree with us that it takes a ruthless tyrant like Mr. Biya to treat wellfounded allegations of genocide as “ridiculous”.
It is shameful that Mr. Biya used his address this September 10, 2019 to express frustration with the world that has denied him the license the Butcher of Yaounde seeks to slaughter Southern
Cameroonians with impunity. Mr. Biya is particularly irked by the fact that Southern
Cameroonians living in the Diaspora, including those who have acquired other nationalities, have refused to look away while their family members are slaughtered. Southern Cameroonians in the Diaspora, including those who have acquired other nationalities, along with people of goodwill the world over, will not rest until the baby-killing regime of Paul Biya is stopped in its genocidal tracks in Southern Cameroons.
The occupation forces and the colonial administration of Mr. Biya must withdraw unconditionally from Southern Cameroons or must prepare to kill to the very last Southern Cameroonian as this is the only way the colonialists from Yaounde can ever hope to take over and own our Homeland.
We salute the memory of the over 13,000 Southern Cameroonians who have been slaughtered by Biya’s genocidal forces and solemnly recommit to them and to their families that we will pursue the noble cause for which they gave their lives until restoration of independence is achieved. We recommit this day to live free, or die fighting.
We call on every Southern Cameroonian – in the Homeland or in the Diaspora - to shun any dialogue organized by Mr. Biya, his sponsors, his occupation forces and the enablers his regime continues to rely on to claim to have consent to misrule our people.
We remind the world that the political will of Southern Cameroonians was freely deliberated and expressed in the two historic Declarations adopted at the end of the 1993 and 1994 All Anglophone Conferences (national dialogues) held in Buea and Bamenda respectively. The ongoing campaign for the restoration of the independence of Southern Cameroons was mandated by those 1993 and 1994 conferences at which our people took their destiny into their hands.
The international community should note that anyone claiming to be a Southern Cameroonian who signs up to and/or participates in the dialogue called by Mr. Biya can only be doing so as a de facto hostage and prisoner of a barbaric regime that holds a gun to the head of all in order to abduct, deport, rendition, imprison, torture, “disappear”, kill and/or execute political dissidents. The regime notably targets anyone who questions the illusionary “one, and indivisible Kamerun” that Mr. Biya continues to claim exists, talk less of anyone who supports the independence for Southern Cameroons.
We want the world to know that no position adopted during any so-called “national dialogue” convened by Mr. Biya and held anywhere in the Cameroons will ever be binding on the sovereign people of Southern Cameroons. No Southern Cameroonian can meet and or debate freely in a setting where they face abduction, deportation, rendition, imprisonment, torture, execution, enforced disappearances, etc. at the hands of the terrorist regime of Mr. Biya. Locked in an existential struggle, our people now know that our survival depends on our determination to defend ourselves and our dignity as a people. It depends on ability to defend our freedom and to stop being the only country on earth that won independence before the United Nations but has been denied the right to enjoy that independence. We will settle for nothing less.
We call on the freedom-loving people of Southern Cameroons to stand ready to defend themselves and to fight to the last woman, man, boy or girl standing. We call on the 64 countries which, on the 21st of April 1961, voted in favor of the independence of Southern Cameroons at the United Nations to reaffirm their vote and to recognize that the “NO” vote cast by La Republique du Cameroun, by France and many French-speaking allies of Cameroun and France, constitutes proof of the premeditated nature of the crime of recolonization that Cameroun has been rolling out for 58 years now. We call on our self-defense volunteers to stand ready to continue to protect their communities and to resist the genocidal forces of Mr. Biya. We call on citizens of the world who want an end to the ongoing genocide and an end to the colonial experiment of trying to impose a different nationality on Southern Cameroonians, to join in funding, in mobilizing and in campaigning for the restoration of the independence and recognition of Southern Cameroons as Africa’s 55th sovereign nation.
SIGNED
APLM – Dr. Ebenezer Akwanga FSCWO – Flora Asongwe
APERM – Edwin Ngang MoRISC – Ntumfoyn Boh Herbert
ARCC – Catherine Nformangum SCAPO – Augustine Ndangam
CONSORTIUM – John Mbah Akuroh SCNC – Elvis Kometa
IG – Dr. Samuel Sako Ikome/Yerima Darbney SCWM – Vyvian Mbanwie
Tuesday, 10 Sept. 2019 - We are horrified, though not surprised, by the callous indifference that Mr. Biya and his colonial regime continue to show in the face of what is an unfolding genocide and an illegal war of recolonization and annexation in Southern Cameroons. This war is on the verge of entering its fourth year with tens of thousands killed, over 150,000 driven into refugee camps in neighboring countries, 1.5 million internally displaced and millions more impacted.
We recognize that the tyrant of neighboring La Republique du Cameroun has arrogated to himself powers to decree the organization of any political circus, including what he described in his address today as a “national dialogue”. However, as the liberators of our people from recolonization, we will not allow him to use such a circus to lure the international community into slumber in the belief that this heartless tyrant intends, in any genuine way, to address the identity and territorial conflict between the two Cameroons that is at the core of the war that Mr. Biya declared and is now too frightened to even recognize.
We urge the international community to order Mr. Biya, his sponsors, and occupation forces to stop playing games with the lives of millions of Southern Cameroonians. As with the Soviet Union and the confederacy of Senegal and The Gambia, the failed union Mr. Biya calls the “one, and indivisible Kamerun” was declared “dead and buried” on the 1st of October 2017 and it will never be resurrected.
That is why, in the spirit of seeking genuine peace that is founded on justice, on international law, on United Nations-backed resolutions which grant Southern Cameroons independence, the
right to self-determination and outlines a path for separation, we, hereby, reiterate our commitment to the third-party-mediated negotiations without preconditions called for and supported by the international community.
We remind the international community that the ongoing genocide in Southern Cameroons is the direct result of the botched decolonization process and that resolving it will be impossible without the restoration of the independence of Southern Cameroons. This is a cause for which we will forever remain faithful and would, proudly, give our own freedom or lives.
We remind Mr. Biya that we will not allow him, his regime, his sponsors and his occupation forces in Southern Cameroons to quietly slaughter, rape, maim, assassinate, kill, burn and loot with impunity. Neither will the sovereign people of Ambazonia allow the distraction that is the so-called “national dialogue” convened by Mr. Biya to misrepresent what is at stake in the Cameroons. It is not the marginalization of Southern Cameroonians. It is not trade union concerns. It is not even a matter of language, bilingualism, and/or protection for the AngloSaxon education and legal systems that Southern Cameroonians hold dear.
Mr. Biya chose, in his address today as he has done in the past supported by his sponsors, to highlight the symptoms; not the disease. The cancer at the heart of the genocidal war in the
Cameroons is recolonization, annexation, colonial administration and illegal military occupation of Southern Cameroons by La Republique du Cameroun. The root cause is the pursuit in the 21st century of a crime against humanity (colonization) under an experiment that has now lasted over 100 years. In the 44 years to 1953, that experiment failed to convert Southern Cameroonians into Nigerians. Southern Cameroons enjoyed self-government from 1954 until 1961. For 58 years since 1961, the Ahidjo-Biya regime has embarked on another failed attempt to terrorize Southern Cameroonians into becoming citizens of annexationist Cameroun.
Contrary to the claims which Mr. Biya made in his address, we remind him and his sponsors that they have no right to take life, order the mass slaughter of those they call “dogs”, “rats”, “roaches” and “enemies within”, and have no powers to grant pardon (to themselves or to anyone else). We will ensure that they will not enjoy any immunity or pardon for perpetrating, financing, sponsoring, committing or turning a blind eye while war crimes, crimes against humanity, violations of international law and acts bordering on genocide are perpetrated against the sovereign people of Southern Cameroons.
We hold this truth to be self evident that the time has come for the international community to recognize that the Biya regime is both unwilling and unable to end mass human rights violations. As a consequence, we remind the international community of the Never Again Pledge they took following the Holocaust and encourage a break from the criminal silence that made the 1994 Rwandan Genocide possible. The time has come for the international community to evoke the Responsibility to Protect principle in order to end the genocide in Southern Cameroons. World experts on genocide agree with us that it takes a ruthless tyrant like Mr. Biya to treat wellfounded allegations of genocide as “ridiculous”.
It is shameful that Mr. Biya used his address this September 10, 2019 to express frustration with the world that has denied him the license the Butcher of Yaounde seeks to slaughter Southern
Cameroonians with impunity. Mr. Biya is particularly irked by the fact that Southern
Cameroonians living in the Diaspora, including those who have acquired other nationalities, have refused to look away while their family members are slaughtered. Southern Cameroonians in the Diaspora, including those who have acquired other nationalities, along with people of goodwill the world over, will not rest until the baby-killing regime of Paul Biya is stopped in its genocidal tracks in Southern Cameroons.
The occupation forces and the colonial administration of Mr. Biya must withdraw unconditionally from Southern Cameroons or must prepare to kill to the very last Southern Cameroonian as this is the only way the colonialists from Yaounde can ever hope to take over and own our Homeland.
We salute the memory of the over 13,000 Southern Cameroonians who have been slaughtered by Biya’s genocidal forces and solemnly recommit to them and to their families that we will pursue the noble cause for which they gave their lives until restoration of independence is achieved. We recommit this day to live free, or die fighting.
We call on every Southern Cameroonian – in the Homeland or in the Diaspora - to shun any dialogue organized by Mr. Biya, his sponsors, his occupation forces and the enablers his regime continues to rely on to claim to have consent to misrule our people.
We remind the world that the political will of Southern Cameroonians was freely deliberated and expressed in the two historic Declarations adopted at the end of the 1993 and 1994 All Anglophone Conferences (national dialogues) held in Buea and Bamenda respectively. The ongoing campaign for the restoration of the independence of Southern Cameroons was mandated by those 1993 and 1994 conferences at which our people took their destiny into their hands.
The international community should note that anyone claiming to be a Southern Cameroonian who signs up to and/or participates in the dialogue called by Mr. Biya can only be doing so as a de facto hostage and prisoner of a barbaric regime that holds a gun to the head of all in order to abduct, deport, rendition, imprison, torture, “disappear”, kill and/or execute political dissidents. The regime notably targets anyone who questions the illusionary “one, and indivisible Kamerun” that Mr. Biya continues to claim exists, talk less of anyone who supports the independence for Southern Cameroons.
We want the world to know that no position adopted during any so-called “national dialogue” convened by Mr. Biya and held anywhere in the Cameroons will ever be binding on the sovereign people of Southern Cameroons. No Southern Cameroonian can meet and or debate freely in a setting where they face abduction, deportation, rendition, imprisonment, torture, execution, enforced disappearances, etc. at the hands of the terrorist regime of Mr. Biya. Locked in an existential struggle, our people now know that our survival depends on our determination to defend ourselves and our dignity as a people. It depends on ability to defend our freedom and to stop being the only country on earth that won independence before the United Nations but has been denied the right to enjoy that independence. We will settle for nothing less.
We call on the freedom-loving people of Southern Cameroons to stand ready to defend themselves and to fight to the last woman, man, boy or girl standing. We call on the 64 countries which, on the 21st of April 1961, voted in favor of the independence of Southern Cameroons at the United Nations to reaffirm their vote and to recognize that the “NO” vote cast by La Republique du Cameroun, by France and many French-speaking allies of Cameroun and France, constitutes proof of the premeditated nature of the crime of recolonization that Cameroun has been rolling out for 58 years now. We call on our self-defense volunteers to stand ready to continue to protect their communities and to resist the genocidal forces of Mr. Biya. We call on citizens of the world who want an end to the ongoing genocide and an end to the colonial experiment of trying to impose a different nationality on Southern Cameroonians, to join in funding, in mobilizing and in campaigning for the restoration of the independence and recognition of Southern Cameroons as Africa’s 55th sovereign nation.
SIGNED
APLM – Dr. Ebenezer Akwanga FSCWO – Flora Asongwe
APERM – Edwin Ngang MoRISC – Ntumfoyn Boh Herbert
ARCC – Catherine Nformangum SCAPO – Augustine Ndangam
CONSORTIUM – John Mbah Akuroh SCNC – Elvis Kometa
IG – Dr. Samuel Sako Ikome/Yerima Darbney SCWM – Vyvian Mbanwie
Dr Nick of St Louis University Institute Analyse President Biya's Speech on Solemn Address to the Socio-Political Crisis Hitting Anglophone Cameroon
By NGOMBET Claudia
Dr Nick Ngwanyam speaks after Biya's address to Cameroonians.
THIS IS OUR BEST OPPORTUNITY.
✝ My friend Emma wrote this morning and I answered him. He was reacting to the speech by H. E. President Paul Biya Tuesday 10th of Septeber 2019.
Emma writes..
Dr. This is our best opportunity.
If we miss it, we shall regret and no one will support our struggle.
Nick answers...
Yes.
We need to make the best of a half baked cake. Even God did not 'finish creating everything. We continue the art of creation with our talents. That is what the President wants us to do. It is a combined effort which is participatory.
It is about being intelligent and wise and nor reacting emotionally.
I will try to do my best God willing.
There are many windows of opportunity that have been opened.
The impediments will come mostly from Anglophones and Francophones who think with their stomachs and not their heads.
This is the time for serious business and we do not need more 'republican republican' stuff any more.
Truth, Love and Justice must come to the fore.
What is good True and Just should prevail for the sake of Common Good.
There are some Cameroonian praise singers who like throwing spanners in the spokes of a wheel.
They should just back off with their 'hungry' attitudes and give peace a chance.
These represent the greatest danger and they have been responsible for making a bad situation worse. They tell lies and live a lie.
We pray for H. E. CHIEF DION NGUTE TO BE COURAGEOUS AND TRUTHFUL, ACTING IN LOVE.
He should deliver the Anglophone from the chains of bondage and marginalization.
He should create the stage for a better Cameroon.
He should realise that many ministers and CPDM barons hanging around him and the President are poisonous snakes who will like to make him fail to give the impression they could have been better Prime Ministers.
He should eat with them with the longest of spoons. He should sleep with an open eye because we are crossing the Red Sea.
The waters have been parted and he has the baton of command to make or mare.
If he had never really prayed nor gone on his knees to ask for wisdom and understanding in humility, Then this is the Time.
ThE TIME IS NOW. THE HOUR HAS COME. THE AWAITED BRIDEGROOM HAS ENTERED THE HALL.
We should all pray with and for our Prime Minister. We should pray for those people who will be at the dialogue table.
The President has opened many doors and we can only get stuff through if we use WISDOM.
EMOTIONS HAVE NO PLACE NOW.
Let us put on our Thinking Caps and demonstrate that Love, Truth, Faith, Reason, Justice, respect and Merit along with humility are no match for arrogance, violence, anger and hate.
God's ways are not man's ways.
Remember..
The Kingdom of God shall and Must prevail over the Kingdom of DARKNESS always.
We Must succeed. ✝
To do so we must listen to the advice given by H. E. CHRISTIAN CARDINAL TUMI.
1 LIKE WORK
2 LIKE WORK THAT IS WELL DONE
3 BE HONEST. HAVE INTELLECTUAL HONESTY
4 HAVE SELF DISCIPLINE
5 PRAY
6 RESPECT MOTHER EARTH.
I sincerely wish our nation healing and recovery from this senseless war and violence.
The Lord shall lead us through the darkness if we give Him the chance.
We should not trust our own understanding. We should be careful with our emotions. Be careful about PRIDE and empty Ego. Be careful with 'stomachs' and those that have been making gains from the war economy. These are dream killers.
Let us look for the silver lining in the cloud.
Mr. Ayuk Tabe and others shall be released in due course.
80 percent of what shall be discussed during the national dialogue is CONFEDERATION.
This formula will solve most of the problems and challenges facing the Anglophones and the nation in the absence of secession.
God bless Cameroon. God is casting his vote of Truth Love and Justice.
Have a blessed day.
Dr Nick Ngwanyam, MD
St Louis University Institute Bda. St Louis Higher Institute Douala. Www.stlouisgroupe.com . Tel whatsapp 237 67776 4674.
Tuesday, September 10, 2019
Biya Gives in to international Pressure on calls for immidiate action to Solve Anglophone Problem, Calls for Broad Base Dialogue with all Parties Concern by The End of this August 2019
HEAD OF STATE’S MESSAGE TO THE NATION
**********
Yaounde, 10 September 2019
**********
Fellow Cameroonians,
My Dear Compatriots,
For close to three years now, the North-West and South-West Regions of our country have been going through a crisis that not only jeopardizes the safety and well-being of the population living there, but also has far-reaching consequences for the national community as a whole.
It should be recalled that the crisis was triggered by corporate demands made by lawyers and teachers calling for the translation of the OHADA Uniform Acts into English and the preservation of the specificity of the Anglo-Saxon judicial and educational systems in the two regions.
From the outset, and true to an option that I hold dear, I instructed the holding of dialogue between the Government and trade unions to seek appropriate solutions to these demands. The measures taken by the Government at the end of these consultations went well beyond the initial demands and include:
- the translation into English of the OHADA instruments which are now available in the two official languages;
- the creation of a Common Law Section at the Supreme Court to handle appeals filed against the decisions of lower courts in Common Law matters;
- regarding the training of judicial and legal officers, the creation of a Common Law Section at the National School of Administration and Magistracy. This measure was accompanied by a programme for the recruitment of English-speaking pupil judicial and legal officers and court registrars;
- the launching of the special recruitment of bilingual teachers in secondary schools;
- at the level of the judiciary, the stay of proceedings against some persons arrested in connection with the demands;
- the setting up of a national Commission for the Promotion of Bilingualism and Multi-culturalism to, among other things, carry out an in-depth review of all the sources of frustration suffered by our compatriots in the North-West and South-West Regions.
Decisions were taken subsequently to fast-track the decentralization process, with the creation of a new ministry devoted thereto. The upcoming regional elections will complete the process by enabling our compatriots nationwide to fully participate in the management of their local affairs.
My Dear Compatriots,
Despite the efforts made by the Government, radical movements, mainly inspired from abroad, have exploited and distorted the corporate demands. They have thus hatched a secessionist plan to partition our country. In this regard, they have formed and financed armed groups that have caused untold harm to the population of the North-West and South-West Regions.
The whole world has witnessed the atrocities committed by these armed groups:
maiming, beheading, assassination of elements of the Defence and Security Forces, administrative authorities and defenceless civilians, destruction of public infrastructure and buildings, and burning of schools, hospitals, etc.
I would like to avail myself of this opportunity to once again extend my heartfelt condolences and those of the entire Nation to those who have lost loved ones in the crisis. I also wish to send a message of comfort to the wounded and all those affected in one way or the other. I want to assure them that they can count on the solidarity of the Government of the Republic and the Nation as a whole.
My Dear Compatriots
The atrocities committed by armed groups have forced thousands of our compatriots to seek refuge in other regions of the country and, for some, in neighbouring countries where they have been reduced to living under precarious conditions.
In the face of these intolerable acts, the Defence and Security Forces have taken energetic measures, often at the risk of their lives, to perform their duty of protecting citizens and their property.
These measures are currently bearing fruits with the improvement of security and the progressive resumption of economic activities in the two regions.
My Dear Compatriots,
Since the outbreak of this crisis, I have spared no effort, with the help of Cameroonians of good will, in seeking ways and means for its peaceful resolution.
In a bid to calm the situation, I even ordered the discontinuance of judicial proceedings pending before military tribunals against 289 persons arrested for offences committed during this crisis.
In the same vein, I extended a hand of peace to members of armed groups by calling on them to lay down their arms and benefit from the process of reintegration into society. A National Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration Committee was thus set up. Regional Disarmament Centres are gradually receiving many ex-combatants who willingly accept to lay down their arms. We will continue to make the necessary efforts to fully operationalize this process.
At the humanitarian level, I decided to launch a large-scale assistance plan for our affected compatriots of the North-West and South-West Regions. I also established a Centre for the Coordination of Humanitarian Action for its implementation. I wish to thank our international partners for supporting us in this initiative.
My Dear Compatriots,
The supposed feeling of marginalization by the people of the North-West and South-West Regions has often been advanced to justify this crisis. On this score, I wish to remind our compatriots in these regions, but also to those in the other eight regions of Cameroon, that marginalization, exclusion or stigmatization have never guided the work of the various governments I have formed since I became president of our country. Though no human endeavour is perfect and, in a developing country like ours with multiple challenges and limited resources, many needs are still to be met, in all the regions.
With the massive support you gave me during the last presidential election, I intend to work relentlessly, with all the sons and daughters of our country, towards meeting the challenges we are facing in order to improve the welfare of our population, especially in terms of infrastructure, water and electricity supply, healthcare delivery and youth employment.
My Dear Compatriots,
On 4 January this year, I made a vast government reshuffle, particularly with the appointment of a new Prime Minister, Head of Government. As usual, the choice of these officials was mainly guided by their human and professional qualities, their competence and experience. However, I would like to underscore that as faithful as I have always been to the regional balance policy, I chose a Prime Minister who hails from the South-West Region. His predecessor who served in that key position for nearly ten years was from the North-West Region. In fact, since 9 April 1992, Prime Ministers, Heads of Government, have been appointed from among the people of those two regions.
Despite all this, some people will continue to talk of marginalization of the people of these regions. It must be acknowledged that such is human nature and there will never be enough duty posts to satisfy all the regions, divisions, sub-divisions, towns, villages, families and citizens of our country. Any choice that is made will always cause joy whenever one is honoured, and disappointment when one is not.
It is, however, crucial for us to change our mentalities in this regard. Though it is necessary to consider regional balance in new countries with a diverse sociological composition like ours, it should be recalled that ministers and other officials are not appointed to serve only their regions, villages or families, but to serve the entire national community. They must serve the general interest and not specific interests.
That is why since I came to power, I have and will continue to wage a ruthless war against corruption and the embezzlement of public funds, and to promote good governance.
My Dear Compatriots,
Since the outbreak of the crisis in the North-West and South-West Regions, the term dialogue has never been so much talked about, used and even misused.
In and out of the country, people have made proposals and suggestions. Some are realistic while others are clearly less so. There has been a barrage of advice. Some smart, others based on interests. Some people dared to issue injunctions.
There have also been multiple and varied initiatives, most of them made by people of good faith, by countries or organizations that are truly concerned about the future of our country and the well-being of our people. I wish to thank them for their effort and token of friendship.
It is, however, worth noting that the proliferation of such initiatives was sometimes unfortunately based on simplistic and false ideas, born out of secessionist propaganda. Such is the case with the purported marginalization of Anglophones, persecution of the Anglophone minority by the Francophone majority, Government’s refusal to engage in dialogue preferring a military solution to the crisis or even ridiculous accusations of genocide.
Talking about dialogue per se, the issue has always been, with whom?
New information and communication technologies, especially social media networks, have unfortunately facilitated the advent of self-proclaimed leaders, extremists of all shades trying to achieve recognition using insult, threat, hate speech, violence and murder.
However, in no country in the world, has the killing of gendarmes or civilians, kidnapping, mutilation, molestation, burning, destruction of public infrastructure, prevention of children from going to school or people from going about their activities in peace ever been a source of legitimacy to represent or speak on behalf of the people, the very victims of such atrocities.
In democracy, only elections confer such legitimacy.
My Dear Compatriots,
The many consultations I have continued to hold on this crisis have enabled me to size up the strong desire of the people of the North-West and South-West Regions to return to a normal life, to be able once again to safely carry out their economic and social activities, to witness the return of refugees and displaced persons, and to see their children return to school. The Prime Minister’s recent tour of the two regions has helped to confirm this feeling.
I therefore strongly believe that the time has come to rally all well-thinking and constructive forces in our country and in the diaspora to make this desire come true.
That is why I have decided to convene, from the end of this month, a major national dialogue that will, in line with our Constitution, enable us to seek ways and means of meeting the high aspirations of the people of the North-West and South-West Regions, but also of all the other components of our Nation.
The dialogue in question will mainly concern the situation in the North-West and South-West Regions. Since it will focus on issues of national interest such as national unity, national integration and living together, it is obvious that it will not concern only the population of these two regions.
The dialogue will therefore rally all the sons and daughters of our beloved and beautiful country, Cameroon, to reflect on values that are dear to us, namely: peace, security, national unity and progress.
It will also focus on issues that can address the concerns of the population of the North-West and South-West Regions, as well as those of the other regions of our country such as bilingualism, cultural diversity and social cohesion, the reconstruction and development of conflict-affected areas, the return of refugees and displaced persons, the education and judicial system, decentralization and local development, the demobilization and reintegration of ex-combatants, the role of the diaspora in the country’s development, etc.
The dialogue, which will be chaired by the Prime Minister, Head of Government, will bring together a wide range of personalities: parliamentarians, politicians, opinion leaders, intellectuals, economic operators, traditional authorities, religious authorities, members of the diaspora, etc. Representatives of the Defence and Security Forces, armed groups and victims will also be invited.
Obviously, it will not be possible for everybody to effectively participate in this dialogue, but each person will have the opportunity to make a contribution.
Prior to the effective holding of the dialogue, the Prime Minister, Head of Government, will carry out broad-based consultations to solicit a wide range of views that will serve as a source of inspiration for the conduct of deliberations. In the coming days, delegations will also be dispatched to meet the diaspora to enable them to make their contribution to discussions on the resolution of the crisis.
In this regard, I am appealing to the patriotism and sense of responsibility of all our compatriots in the country and in the diaspora so that everyone, wherever they are, should seize this historic opportunity to help to steer our country on the path of peace, harmony, security and progress.
My Dear Compatriots,
The propaganda of secessionists has tried to present the recent court decisions taken against a number of our compatriots in the context of this crisis as an obstacle to the dialogue envisaged.
That is not the case. I also wish to use this opportunity to stress that respect for the rule of law and the fight against impunity are pillars in the consolidation of a State ruled by law to which we all aspire. Violating the rule of law and granting impunity to some citizens is paving the way for anarchy.
It is therefore crucial, at this stage, to dispel rumours that one can quietly loot, rape, burn, kidnap, maim, murder, in the hope that a possible dialogue will erase all these crimes and provide impunity to their perpetrators.
As shown by the experience of many countries in the world, such way of thinking will only encourage the perpetuation of violence in the crisis regions and even encourage it in crisis-free regions.
Admittedly, however, in the context of a dialogue, a peace process or national reconciliation, the possibility of pardon may be considered, under certain conditions.
It is equally true that in accordance with our Constitution, the Head of State is empowered to exercise the right of pardon.
It was, moreover, on the strength of this authority that I made a peace offer to members of armed groups during my recent swearing-in ceremony.
I wish to solemnly reiterate this offer today. Those who voluntarily lay down their arms and place themselves at the disposal of the Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) Centres have nothing to fear. Their fellow armed group members who are already there can testify to this. Conversely, those who persist in committing criminal acts and violating the laws of the Republic will have to contend with our Defence and Security Forces and will face the full force of those same laws.
The same applies to promoters of hate and violence who, comfortably settled in foreign countries with impunity, continue to incite murder and destruction. Let them know that sooner or later they will have to face justice.
I am appealing to the countries sheltering these extremists to take action against these criminals if they really care about the situation of the people of the North-West and South-West Regions.
Most of them no longer have Cameroonian nationality, but they spend their time raising funds to carry out terrorist acts in Cameroon, masterminding acts of arson, kidnappings and murder, and issuing calls aimed at preventing children from attending school and fellow citizens from going about their business peacefully.
My Dear Compatriots,
The entire national community has high expectations for the dialogue I have just announced and hopes that this will be an opportunity for our brothers and sisters in the North-West and South-West to close this particularly painful chapter, to forget their suffering and to return to normal life. It also hopes that our country will continue resolutely on the path of progress, through fruitful discussions on ways and means of creating conditions conducive to the optimal exploitation of natural resources and our country's enormous human potential. Therefore, we should all work towards a successful dialogue.
My Dear Compatriots,
Over the years, we have used our linguistic and cultural diversity, the talent of our sons and daughters, and our commendable efforts and sacrifices to build a solid country and a strong Nation. Together we have met many challenges and won uncountable victories. We have proven that united there is no difficulty we cannot overcome and no obstacle we cannot cross. We proved it yesterday. We will prove it again today and tomorrow. The future of our compatriots in the North-West and South-West Regions lies within our Republic.
Cameroon will remain one and indivisible.
Long Live Cameroon!
Saturday, September 7, 2019
Cameroon Football Baron Cum Giant Samuel Eto Announce Retirement
Football World React As Eto'o Announces Retirement
dailyactive.info
Sep 7, 2019 12:05 PM
He leaves the stage at the ripe age and at the peek of his career unlike his pees who wait to start falling before they announce their readiness to go. The news according to his fans is much celeberated as it leaves their icon on a prestigious scene on top of continental football.
Cameroon and African football icon Samuel Eto’o Fils has announced his retirement from the game after 22 years during which he played for 13 clubs.
Eto’o started out at his native Cameroon before moving to Spain joining Real Madrid. He went on to play for Leganes, Mallorca, Espanyol and Barcelona where he flourished.
He later moved to Inter Milan in Italy, Anzi Makhachakla in Russia, Chelsea and Everton in England and ended his European stint In Turkey.
“THE END. TOWARDS A NEW CHALLENGE …Thank you all big love, adrenaline.” he posted.
Football fans a cross the globe have taken to social media to celebrate the striker
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